ローマ帝国
ローマ帝国
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| 紀元前27年– AD 395 （統一されたエンティティとして）[1] [2] AD 395 – 476/480 （西部） AD 395–1453 （東部） | |||||||||||
![The Roman Empire in AD 117 at its greatest extent, at the time of Trajan's death (with its vassals in pink)[3]](https://cdn.wikipredia.net/files/hxforttadqaaHR0cHM6Ly91cGxvYWQud2lraW1lZGlhLm9yZy93aWtpcGVkaWEvY29tbW9ucy90aHVtYi8wLzAwL1JvbWFuX0VtcGlyZV9UcmFqYW5fMTE3QUQucG5nLzEyODBweC1Sb21hbl9FbXBpcmVfVHJhamFuXzExN0FELnBuZw==.jpg) | |||||||||||
| 資本 |
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| 共通言語 | |||||||||||
| 宗教 | |||||||||||
| 政府 | 半選択的、機能的に絶対君主制 | ||||||||||
| 天皇 | |||||||||||
• 紀元前27年–西暦14年 | アウグストゥス（初） | ||||||||||
•98〜117 | トラヤヌス | ||||||||||
•270〜275 | オーレリアン | ||||||||||
•284〜305 | ディオクレティアヌス | ||||||||||
•306–337 | コンスタンティヌス1世 | ||||||||||
•379〜395 | テオドシウス1世[n3] | ||||||||||
•474〜480 | ユリウス・ネポス[n 4] | ||||||||||
•475〜476 | ロムルスアウグストゥス | ||||||||||
•527–565 | ユスティニアヌス1世 | ||||||||||
•610–641 | ヘラクレイオス | ||||||||||
•780〜797 | コンスタンティノス6世[n5] | ||||||||||
•976〜1025 | バシレイオス2世 | ||||||||||
•1449–1453 | コンスタンティノス11世[n6] | ||||||||||
| 歴史的時代 | 古典派から中世後期まで | ||||||||||
• アクティウム戦争 | 紀元前32〜30年 | ||||||||||
| 紀元前30〜2年 | |||||||||||
• コンスタンティノープル が首都になる | 330年5月11日 | ||||||||||
| 395年1月17日 | |||||||||||
| 476年9月4日 | |||||||||||
•ユリウス・ネポスの殺害 | 480年4月25日 | ||||||||||
• 第4回十字軍 | 1204年4月12日 | ||||||||||
•コンスタンティノープルの再征服 | 1261年7月25日 | ||||||||||
| 1453年5月29日 | |||||||||||
| 1461年8月15日 | |||||||||||
| 領域 | |||||||||||
| 紀元前25年[4] | 2,750,000 km 2（1,060,000平方マイル） | ||||||||||
| 西暦117年[4] [5] | 5,000,000 km 2（1,900,000平方マイル） | ||||||||||
| AD 390 [4] | 4,400,000 km 2（1,700,000平方マイル） | ||||||||||
| 人口 | |||||||||||
•紀元前25年[6] | 56,800,000 | ||||||||||
| 通貨 | セステルティウス、[n 7] アウレウス、ソリドゥス、ノミスマ | ||||||||||
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ローマ帝国（ラテン語：ImperiumRōmānum [ɪmˈpɛri.ũːroːˈmaːnũː] ; ギリシャ語： ΒασιλείατῶνῬωμαίων、音訳。 BasileíatônRhōmaíōn）は、古代ローマの共和国後の時代でし。政体としては、ヨーロッパ、北アフリカ、および皇帝によって統治された西アジアの地中海周辺の広大な領土が含まれてい。シーザーアウグストゥスの加盟から3世紀の、それは大都市としてのイタリアのプリンキパトゥスでした唯一の首都としての州とローマ市の 軍事危機の後、帝国は西ローマ帝国と東ローマ帝国を統治する複数の皇帝によって統治されました。ローマは、オドアケルの野蛮人による西部の首都ラヴェンナの占領とそれに続くロムルスアウグストゥラスの寄託に続いて、皇帝の記章がコンスタンティノープルに送られた西暦476年まで両方の部分の名目上の首都であり続けました。紀元380年のローマ帝国の国教としてのキリスト教の採用と西ローマ帝国の崩壊ゲルマン王への手紙は、通常、古典古代の終わりと中世の始まりを示しています。これらの出来事のために、東ローマ帝国の漸進的なヘレニズム化とともに、歴史家は東ローマ帝国として東ローマ帝国に残った中世のローマ帝国を区別します。
ローマ帝国の前身であるローマ共和国（紀元前6世紀にローマの君主制に取って代わった）は、一連の内戦と政治的紛争でひどく不安定になりました。紀元前1世紀半ばに、ジュリアスシーザーは永久独裁官に任命され、紀元前44年に暗殺されました。内戦とプロスクリプティオは続き、最終的には紀元前31年のアクティウムの海戦で、シーザーの養子であるオクタヴィアンがマークアントニーとクレオパトラに勝利しました。翌年オクタヴィアン プトレマイオス朝のエジプトを征服し、紀元前4世紀にアレキサンダー大王マケドニアの征服から始まったヘレニズム時代を終わらせました。その後、オクタヴィアンの権力は攻撃不能になり、紀元前27年にローマ元老院は彼に包括的な権力と新しい称号アウグストゥスを正式に付与し、事実上彼を最初のローマ皇帝にしました。
帝国の最初の2世紀は、パックスロマーナ（「ローマの平和」）として知られる前例のない安定と繁栄の時期を見ました。ローマは、トラヤヌスの治世（AD 98–117）の間に最大の領土の広がりに達しました。トラブルと衰退が増加する時期は、コモドゥス（177–192）の治世から始まりました。3世紀、ガリア帝国とパルミラ帝国がローマ帝国から離脱し、しばしば軍団からの一連の短命の皇帝が帝国を率いたため、帝国はその存在を脅かす危機に見舞われました。帝国はアウレリアンの下で再統一されました（r。 270〜275）。それを安定させるために、ディオクレティアヌスは286年にギリシャ東部とラテン西部に2つの異なる宮廷を設立しました。キリスト教徒は313年のミラノ勅令に続いて、4世紀に権力の座に就きました。ドイツ人とアッティラのフンによる大規模な侵略は、西ローマ帝国の衰退につながりました。ラヴェンナがゲルマンのヘルール族に陥落し、ロムルス・アウグストゥスが沈着したことでオドアケルによる西ローマ帝国の西ローマ帝国は、西ローマ帝国がついに崩壊しました。東ローマ皇帝ゼノンは西暦480年に正式に廃止しました。一方、東ローマ帝国は、コンスタンティノープル陥落が1453年にスルタンメフメト2世のオスマントルコに陥落するまで、さらに1千年の間存続しました。[n 8]
ローマ帝国の広大な広がりと長い忍耐力のために、ローマの制度と文化は、ローマが統治する地域の言語、宗教、芸術、建築、文学、哲学、法律、および政府の形態の発展に深く永続的な影響を及ぼしました。 、そしてはるかに超えています。ローマ人のラテン語は中世と現代世界のロマンス諸語に進化し、中世ギリシャ語は東ローマ帝国の言語になりました。帝国によるキリスト教の養子縁組中世のキリスト教世界の形成につながりました。ギリシャとローマの芸術は、イタリアのルネサンスに大きな影響を与えました。ローマの建築の伝統は、ロマネスク、ルネッサンス、新古典主義建築の基礎となり、イスラム建築にも強い影響を与えました。中世ヨーロッパでのギリシャとローマの科学技術（イスラム科学の基礎を形成した）の再発見は、科学ルネサンスと科学革命につながりました。ローマ法のコーパスは、ナポレオン法典など、今日の世界の多くの法制度にその子孫がいますが、ローマの共和制機関は永続的な遺産を残し、中世のイタリアの都市国家共和国と初期の共和国に影響を与えていますアメリカ合衆国と他の現代の民主共和国。
歴史
共和国から帝国への移行
ローマは紀元前6世紀に共和国が設立された直後に拡大を始めましたが、紀元前3世紀までイタリア半島の外に拡大しませんでした。それから、それは皇帝が生まれるずっと前の「帝国」（すなわち大国）でした。[7] [8] [9] [10]共和政ローマは、現代的な意味での国民国家ではありませんでしたが、（ローマ上院からの独立度はさまざまですが）自分たちを統治するために残された町のネットワークと管理された州軍の司令官によって。それは、皇帝によってではなく、上院と協力して毎年選出された治安判事（とりわけローマ執政官）によって統治されました。[11]さまざまな理由から、紀元前1世紀は政治的および軍事的激変の時期であり、最終的には皇帝による統治につながりました。[8] [12] [13] [14]執政官の軍事力は、ローマの法的な帝国の概念に基づいていました。これは文字通り「命令」を意味します（通常は軍事的な意味ですが）。[15]時折、成功した執政官に名誉の称号皇帝（司令官）が与えられました。この称号（とりわけ）は常に初期の皇帝に授与されたため、これが皇帝（および帝国）という言葉の由来です。[16]
ローマは、紀元前2世紀後半以降、イタリアを超えてその権力を大幅に拡大しながら、長い一連の内戦、陰謀、内戦に苦しみました。これは、共和政ローマの危機の時期でした。この時代の終わりに向かって、紀元前44年に、ジュリアスシーザーは暗殺される前に一時的に永続的な独裁者でした。彼の暗殺者の派閥はローマから追い出され、紀元前42年のフィリッピの戦いで、マーク・アントニーとシーザーの養子であるオクタヴィアンが率いる軍隊によって敗北しました。アントニーとオクタヴィアンによるローマ世界の分裂は長続きせず、オクタヴィアンの軍隊は紀元前31年のアクティウムの海戦でアントニーとクレオパトラをマークします。紀元前27年、上院とローマの人々は、領事館の帝国でオクタヴィアンプリンケプス（「最初の市民」）を作り、プリンキパトゥス（ローマ帝国の歴史の最初の時代、通常は紀元前27年から紀元284年までの日付）を開始し、彼に名前を付けました「アウグストゥス」（「崇拝された」）。古い憲法上の機械はそのまま残っていたが、アウグストゥスがそれを支配するようになった。共和国は名を馳せていましたが、アウグストゥスの同時代人たちは、それが単なるベールであり、アウグストゥスがローマですべての意味のある権威を持っていることを知っていました。[17] 彼の統治は1世紀の内戦を終わらせ、前例のない平和と繁栄の時代を迎えたので、彼は非常に愛され、事実上君主の権力を握るようになりました。彼の統治の年月の間に、新しい憲法秩序が（一部は有機的にそして一部は設計によって）出現したので、彼の死後、この新しい憲法秩序は、ティベリウスが新しい皇帝として受け入れられたときと同じように機能しました。
パクス・ロマーナ
アウグストゥスの支配から始まった200年は、伝統的にパックスロマーナ（「ローマの平和」）と見なされています。この期間中、帝国の結束は、ローマがこれまで経験したことのない程度の社会的安定と経済的繁栄によって促進されました。地方での暴動はめったに起こらなかったが、それらが起こったとき「容赦なくそして迅速に」鎮圧された。[18]王朝の継承の原則を確立する上でのアウグストゥスの成功は、彼が多くの才能のある潜在的な相続人を生き抜くことによって制限されていました。ユリウスクラウディウス王朝は、西暦69年に紛争で荒廃する前に、さらに4人の皇帝（ティベリウス、カリグラ、クラウディウス、ネロ）が存続しました。ウェスパシアヌスが勝利者として登場した4皇帝の年。ウェスパシアヌスは短いフラウィウス朝の創設者になり、続いてネルウァアントニン王朝が「五賢帝」を生み出しました。ネルウァ、トラヤヌス、ハドリアヌス、アントニヌスピウス、そして哲学的に傾倒したマーカスアウレリウスです。
西に落ちて東に生き残る
現代のオブザーバーであるギリシャの歴史家ディオカッシウスの見解では、西暦180年の皇帝コモドゥスの加入は、 「金の王国から錆と鉄の王国へ」の降下を示しました[19]。歴史家、特にエドワード・ギボンは、ローマ帝国の衰退の始まりとしてコモドゥスの治世を取りました。[20] [21]
西暦212年、カラカラの治世中に、ローマ市民権が帝国のすべての自由に生まれた住民に与えられました。しかし、この普遍性のジェスチャーにもかかわらず、セウェルス朝は激動しました-皇帝の治世は彼の殺人または処刑によって日常的に終了しました-そしてその崩壊後、ローマ帝国は3世紀の危機、侵略の期間、市民に飲み込まれました争い、経済的混乱、そして疫病。[22]歴史的時代を定義する際に、この危機は古典古代から古典古代への移行を示すものと見なされることがあります古代末期。アウレリアン（在位270–275）は帝国を瀬戸際から戻し、安定させました。ディオクレティアヌスは帝国を完全に回復する作業を完了しましたが、プリンケプスの役割を辞退し、支配者、「マスター」または「ロード」として定期的に演説される最初の皇帝になりました。[23]ディオクレティアヌスの治世はまた、キリスト教の脅威と認識されている「大迫害」に対する帝国の最も協調的な努力をもたらした。
ディオクレティアヌスは帝国を4つの地域に分割し、それぞれが別々の皇帝であるテトラルキアによって統治されました。[24]彼はローマを悩ませていた障害を直したと確信し、彼の共同皇帝と共に退位し、テトラルキアはすぐに崩壊した。秩序は最終的にコンスタンティヌス大帝によって回復されました。コンスタンティヌス大帝はキリスト教に改宗した最初の皇帝となり、コンスタンティノープルを東ローマ帝国の新しい首都として確立しました。コンスタンティニアヌス王朝とバレンティニアヌス王朝の数十年の間、帝国は東西軸に沿って分割され、コンスタンティノープルとローマに2つのパワーセンターがありました。ジュリアンの治世、彼の顧問マルドニオスの影響下で古典的なローマとヘレニズムの宗教を回復しようとしたが、キリスト教皇帝の継承を一時的に中断しただけだった。東と西の両方を統治した最後の皇帝であるテオドシウス1世は、キリスト教を帝国の国教にした後、西暦395年に亡くなりました。[25]
西ローマ帝国は、ドイツの移民と侵略が移民を同化して侵略者と戦う帝国の能力を圧倒したため、5世紀初頭に崩壊し始めました。ローマ人はすべての侵略者、最も有名なアッティラを撃退することに成功しましたが[26]、帝国はローマへの忠誠心が疑わしい多くのゲルマン人を同化させたため、帝国は自らを解体し始めました。[27]ほとんどの年表は、ロムルス・アウグストゥラスがゲルマンの武将オドアケルに退位することを余儀なくされた476年に西ローマ帝国の終焉を迎えた。 [28] [29] [30]オドアケルは、自分の人形皇帝を指名するのではなく、東皇帝の支配下に置くことで、西ローマ帝国を終わらせた。彼はゼノの唯一の皇帝を宣言し、彼の名目上の部下として彼自身を置くことによってこれをしました。実際には、イタリアは現在、オドアケルだけによって支配されていました。[28] [29] [31]後の歴史家によってビザンチン帝国とも呼ばれる東ローマ帝国は、コンスタンティノス11世パリオロゴスの治世まで存在し続けました。最後のローマ皇帝は、1453年5月29日、コンスタンティノープル包囲戦の最終段階でメフメト2世「征服者」とオスマン帝国軍との戦いで亡くなりました。。メフメト2世自身も、ローマ帝国とのつながりを主張するために、カエサルまたはカイセリラムの称号を主張しました。[32] [33]
地理と人口統計
ローマ帝国は歴史上最大の帝国の1つであり、ヨーロッパ、北アフリカ、中東に隣接する領土があります。[34]ラテン語のimperiumsine fine（「終わりのない帝国」[35]）は、時間も空間も帝国を制限しないというイデオロギーを表しています。ウェルギリウスの叙事詩であるアエネーイスでは、ローマ人に最高の神ジュピターによって無限の帝国が与えられたと言われています。[35] [36] [37] [38] [39]この普遍的な支配の主張は、4世紀に帝国がキリスト教の支配下に置かれたときに更新され、永続化されました。[n 9]ローマ人は帝国建設を求めて広い地域を併合することに加えて、地理を直接変えた彼らの環境の非常に大きな彫刻家でもありました。たとえば、拡大する帝国に十分な木材資源を提供するために、森林全体が伐採されました。プラトンは彼の著書「クリティアス」の中で、森林破壊について説明しています。かつては「山にたくさんの木があった」場所でしたが、今では「土地の単なる骨格」しか見ることができませんでした。[40]
実際には、ローマの拡大はほとんど共和国の下で達成されましたが、北ヨーロッパの一部は、ヨーロッパ、アフリカ、およびアジアでのローマの支配が強化された1世紀に征服されました。アウグストゥスの治世中に、「既知の世界の世界地図」がローマで初めて公開されました。これは、古代から生き残った政治地理学に関する最も包括的な作品であるギリシャ語ポンティック作家の地理学の構成と一致しています。ストラボン。[41]アウグストゥスが死んだとき、彼の業績の記念の記述（Res Gestae）帝国内の人々と場所の地理的目録を目立つように取り上げました。[42]地理、国勢調査、および書面による記録の綿密な保管は、ローマ帝国政権の中心的な関心事でした。[43]
帝国はトラヤヌス（98-117年に統治）の下で最大の広がりに達し[39]、500万平方キロメートルの面積を網羅しました。[4] [5] 5500万から6000万人の住民の伝統的な人口推定[44]は、世界の総人口の6分の1から4分の1を占め[45]、それを世界の統一された政治団体の中で最大の人口にしました。 19世紀半ばまで西。[46]最近の人口統計学的研究では、人口のピークは7000万人から1億人以上に及ぶと主張されています。[47] [48]ローマ、アレクサンドリア、アンティオキアの3つの帝国最大の都市はそれぞれ、17世紀初頭のヨーロッパの都市のほぼ2倍の大きさでした。[49]
歴史家のクリストファー・ケリーがそれを説明したように：
その後、帝国は霧雨に浸されたイングランド北部のハドリアヌスの城壁からシリアのユーフラテス川の日焼けした土手まで広がった。ネーデルラントから黒海にかけてヨーロッパの肥沃で平坦な土地を蛇行する偉大なライン-ドナウ川システムから、北アフリカの海岸の豊かな平原とエジプトのナイル渓谷の豊かな荒野まで。帝国は完全に地中海を一周しました ...その征服者によってマーレノストラムと呼ばれました— 「私たちの海」。[44]
トラヤヌスの後継者であるハドリアヌスは、帝国を拡大するのではなく維持するという方針を採用しました。境界線（罰金）がマークされ、フロンティア（制限）がパトロールされました。[39]最も強く強化された境界線は、最も不安定でした。[12]ローマの世界を、常に存在する野蛮人の脅威として認識されていたものから分離したハドリアヌスの城壁は、この努力の主要な生き残った記念碑です。[50] [51] [52]
健康と病気
エピデミックは古代世界では一般的であり、時折パンデミックが発生しましたローマ帝国では何百万人もの人々が亡くなりました。ローマの人口は不健康でした。人口の約20パーセント（古代の基準では大部分）がローマの数百の都市の1つに住んでおり、人口は100万人と推定されており、最大です。最高の時代でさえ、都市は「人口動態のシンク」でした。死亡率は出生率を上回り、都市人口を維持するために新しい居住者の絶え間ない移住が必要でした。平均寿命は20代半ばと推定されており、おそらく子供の半数以上が成人になる前に亡くなっています。密集した都市人口と劣悪な衛生状態が病気の危険に寄与しました。ローマ帝国の広大な領土間の陸と海の接続性により、ある地域から別の地域への感染症の移動は、より小さく、地理的に制限された社会よりも簡単かつ迅速になりました。金持ちは不健康な状態の影響を受けませんでした。皇帝マルクスアウレリウスの14人の子供のうち2人だけが成人期に達したことが知られています。[53]
栄養と病気の負担の良い指標は、人口の平均身長です。何千ものスケルトンの研究の結論は、平均的なローマ人は、中世のイタリアのローマ時代以前の社会やヨーロッパのローマ時代以降の社会の人口よりも身長が短かったということです。歴史家のカイル・ハーパーの結論は、「歴史上最後ではなく、社会開発の早熟な飛躍が生物学的逆転をもたらした」というものです。[54] [55]
言語
ローマ人の言語はラテン語であり、ウェルギリウスはローマの統一と伝統の源として強調しています。[56] [57] [58]アレクサンデル・セウェルス（在位222–235）の時まで、ローマ市民の出生証明書と意志はラテン語で書かれていなければなりませんでした。ラテン語は西部の法廷と帝国全体の軍隊の言語でしたが[ 60]、ローマの支配下に置かれた人々に公式に課されていませんでした。[61] [62]この方針は、課すことを目的としたアレキサンダー大王の方針とは対照的である公用語としての彼の帝国全体のギリシャ語。[63]アレクサンダーの征服の結果として、コイネーギリシャ語は地中海東岸と小アジアに共通の言語となった。[64] [65]ラテン西部とギリシャ東部を分ける「言語フロンティア」は、バルカン半島を通過した。[66]
エリート教育を受けたローマ人はギリシャ語を文語として学び、統治クラスのほとんどの男性はギリシャ語を話すことができました。[68]ユリウス・クラウディウス皇帝は、現代用語で古典ラテン語として識別される言語運動である正しいラテン語（Latinitas）の高水準を奨励し、公務を遂行するためにラテン語を支持した。[69]クラウディウスはギリシャ語の使用を制限しようとし、ラテン語を欠いた人々の市民権を取り消すことがあったが、上院でさえ、ギリシャ語を話す大使とのコミュニケーションにおいて彼自身のバイリンガリズムを利用した。[69]スエトニウスは、彼を「私たちの2つの言語」について言及していると引用しています。[70]
東ローマ帝国では、法律と公式文書がラテン語からギリシャ語に定期的に翻訳されていました。[71] 2つの言語の日常的な相互浸透は、バイリンガルの碑文によって示され、ギリシャ語とラテン語の間を行ったり来たりすることさえあります。[72] [73]帝国のすべての自由生まれの住民が西暦212年に普遍的に権利を与えられた後、ラテン語は「ローマらしさ」の目印であり続けたが、多くのローマ市民はラテン語を欠いていたであろう。[74]
他の改革の中でも、皇帝ディオクレティアヌス（在位284–305）はラテン語の権威を更新しようとし、ギリシャ語の表現hēkratousadialektosはラテン語が「権力の言語」として継続していることを証明しています。[75] 6世紀初頭、皇帝ユスティニアヌス帝は、ラテン語が法の言語としての地位を再確認するために奇妙な努力をしましたが、彼の時代にはラテン語はもはや東部の生きた言語としての通貨を持っていませんでした。[76]
現地の言語と言語の遺産
通訳への言及は、特にコプト語が支配的なエジプト、およびライン川とドナウ川沿いの軍事環境で、ギリシャ語とラテン語以外の現地語が継続的に使用されていることを示しています。ローマの法律家は、法律や宣誓の正しい理解と適用を保証する上で、ポエニ語、ガリア語、アラム語などの現地語にも懸念を示しています。[77]アフリカの州では、リビコ・ベルベル人とポエニ語が、ティベリウスの時代（1世紀）の碑文や硬貨の伝説に使用されていました。Libyco-BerberとPunicの碑文は、2世紀にかけて公共の建物に表示され、ラテン語とのバイリンガルもあります。[78]シリアでは、パルミラ帝国の兵士は、ラテン語が軍の言語であるという規則の顕著な例外を除いて、碑文にアラム語の方言を使用した。[79]
ババサアーカイブは、帝国における多言語主義の示唆に富む例です。これらのパピルスは、アラビア州のユダヤ人女性にちなんで名付けられ、西暦93年から132年までさかのぼります。主に、セム語とラテン語の影響を受けたギリシャ文字で書かれた現地語のアラム語を使用しています。しかし、ローマ総督への請願はギリシャ語で書かれていました。[80]
ローマ帝国内のすべての文化は主に口頭言語であったため、識字能力のあるエリートの間でラテン語が優勢であるため、話し言葉の継続性が曖昧になる可能性があります。[78]西洋では、ラテン語は俗ラテン語と呼ばれ、インド・ヨーロッパ語族の共通語に関連していたケルト語とイタリック語に徐々に取って代わった。構文と語彙の共通性により、ラテン語の採用が容易になりました。[81] [82] [83]
古代後期に政治権力が分散した後、ラテン語はローカルに発展し、スペイン語、ポルトガル語、フランス語、イタリア語、カタロニア語、ルーマニア語などのロマンス諸語と、多数のマイナーな言語や方言になりました。今日、世界中で9億人以上がネイティブスピーカーです。[84]
ラテン語自体は、学習と文学の国際言語として、17世紀までは外交、ルネサンスのヒューマニズムと同一視される知的発達、そして現在まで法とローマカトリック教会の積極的な表現手段として存続しました。[85] [86]
ギリシャ語はビザンチン帝国の言語として継続しましたが、東部の言語分布はより複雑でした。ギリシャ語を話す大多数は、ギリシャの半島と島々 、アナトリア西部、主要都市、およびいくつかの沿岸地域に住んでいました。[65]ギリシャ語やラテン語と同様に、トラキア語はインド・ヨーロッパ語族に由来し、アナトリア語で現在は消滅しているいくつかの言語は、帝国時代の碑文によって証明されています。[65] [78] アルバニア語はイリュリア人の子孫と見なされることが多いが、この仮説は、ダキア人またはトラキア人に由来すると主張する一部の言語学者によって異議を唱えられている。[89]（ただし、イリュリア語、ダキア語、トラキア語はサブグループまたは言語連合を形成している可能性があります。トラキア・イリュリア語を参照してください。）さまざまなアフロアジア語（主にエジプトのコプティック語、シリアとメソポタミア語のアラミック語）がギリシャ語に置き換えられることはありませんでした。しかし、ギリシャ語の国際的な使用は、例えばパウロ書簡にギリシャ語を使用することによって示されるように、キリスト教の普及を可能にする1つの要因でした。[65]
古代末期のガリア語へのいくつかの言及は、それが話され続けたことを示しているかもしれません。西暦2世紀には、いくつかの法的な方法でのその使用法、[90]なだめ、 [91]および薬理学が明確に認識されました。[92] スルピキウス・セウェルスは、西暦5世紀にガリア・アキタニアで執筆し、ガリア語を第一言語とするバイリンガリズムに言及しました。[91]トリーア近郊のトレウェリ族が話したものと同様のアナトリアでのガラテア方言の存続は、直接の知識を持っていたジェローム（331–420）によって証明された。[93]歴史言語学 の多く奨学金は、ガリア語が実際にフランスで6世紀半ばから後半まで話されていたと仮定しています。[94]地元の物質文化のかなりのローマ化にもかかわらず、ガリア語は、ガリアのローマ支配の何世紀にもわたって生き残り、話されたラテン語と共存していたと考えられています。[94]ガラテヤ語への最後の言及は、悪霊が僧侶を所有し、ガラテヤ語でのみ話すことができるようにしたと主張して、シトポリスのシリルによって行われた[95]が、フランスでのガリア語への最後の言及は、 560年から575年の間のツアーで、「ガリア語でヴァッソガラテと呼ばれる」オーヴェルニュの神社が破壊され、焼失したことに注目します。[96][94]長期間のバイリンガリズムの後、フランス語を含むガロ・ロマンス諸語は、ガリア語によってさまざまな形で形作られました。フランス語の場合、これらには外来語と翻訳（ oui、 [97]「はい」の単語を含む）、 [98] [97]音変化、 [99] [100]、活用と語順の影響が含まれます。[98] [97] [101]
社会
ローマ帝国は非常に多文化であり、長期にわたってその政治システム内の多様な人々を包含しながら、共有されたアイデンティティの感覚を生み出す「かなり驚くべきまとまりのある能力」を備えていました。[102]フォーラム、円形劇場、競馬場、浴場など、すべての人に開かれた公共のモニュメントや共同スペースを作成することへのローマの関心は、「ローマらしさ」の感覚を育むのに役立ちました。[103]
ローマ社会には複数の重複する社会的階層があり、英語の「クラス」の現代の概念は正確に表されていない可能性があります。アウグストゥスが唯一の権力を握った20年間の内戦は、ローマの伝統社会を混乱と激動の状態に追いやった[ 105 ]が、富と社会的権力の即時の再分配には影響しなかった。下層階級の観点からは、ピークは単に社会的ピラミッドに追加されただけです。[106]個人的な関係—後援、友情（友情）、家族、結婚—は、共和国でのように、政治と政府の働きに影響を与え続けた。[107]の時までにしかし、ネロは、自由奔放な市民よりも裕福な元奴隷、または上院議員よりも大きな力を行使した馬術家を見つけることは珍しくありませんでした。[108]
共和国のより厳格な階層の曖昧さまたは拡散は、他のすべての十分に文書化された古代社会のそれを超える程度まで、帝国の下での社会的流動性の増加につながりました[109] [110] 。[111]女性、解放奴隷、奴隷は、以前は利用できなかった方法で利益を得て影響力を行使する機会があった。[112]帝国の社会生活は、特に個人的な資源が限られている人々にとって、自発的な団体や同胞団（コレギウムやソダリテート）の急増によってさらに促進された。）さまざまな目的のために結成されました：専門家および貿易ギルド、退役軍人グループ、宗教的ソダリティ、飲酒および食事クラブ、[113]舞台芸術団、[114]および埋葬社会。[115]
法的地位
法学者ガイウスによれば、ローマの「人の法則」の本質的な違いは、すべての人間が自由（liberi）または奴隷（servi）であったということでした。[116] [117]自由人の法的地位は、市民権によってさらに定義される可能性があります。ほとんどの市民は限られた権利（ius Latinum、「ラテン権」など）を持っていましたが、市民権を持たない人々が享受していない法的保護と特権を得る権利がありました。自由な人々は市民とは見なされませんが、ローマの世界に住んでいて、ペレグリーニ、非ローマ人としての地位を保持していました。[118]西暦212年、Constitutio Antoniniana、皇帝カラカラは、帝国のすべての自由に生まれた住民に市民権を拡大しました。この法的な平等主義は、市民と非市民を区別していた既存の法律の広範囲にわたる改正を必要としたでしょう。[119]
ローマ法の女性
自由に生まれたローマの女性は、共和国と帝国全体で市民と見なされていましたが、投票したり、政治的地位を保持したり、軍隊に所属したりしませんでした。ex duobus civibus Romanis natos（「2人のローマ市民から生まれた子供」）というフレーズで示されているように、母親の市民権は彼女の子供を決定しました。[n 10]ローマ人の女性は、自分の家系の名前 （名前）を一生維持しました。子供たちはほとんどの場合父親の名前を取りましたが、帝国時代には母親の名前を彼らの名前の一部にしたり、代わりにそれを使用したりすることもありました。[120]
女性が夫の権威に服していた古風なマヌス結婚は、帝国時代にほとんど放棄され、既婚女性は結婚に持ち込んだ財産の所有権を保持していました。技術的には、彼女は夫の家に引っ越したにもかかわらず、父親の法的権限の下にとどまりましたが、父親が亡くなったとき、彼女は法的に解放されました。[121]この取り決めは、ローマの女性が他の多くの古代文化の女性と比較して、そして現代まで楽しんだ独立の程度の要因の1つでした：[122] [123]彼女は法的な問題で父親に答えなければなりませんでしたが、 、彼女は日常生活の中で彼の直接の精査から解放された[124]。そして彼女の夫は彼女に対して法的権限を持っていませんでした。[125]一度だけ結婚した「一人の女性」（univira）であることは誇りであったが、離婚や、死や離婚によって夫を失った後の迅速な再婚に伴う汚名はほとんどなかった。 。[126]
父親が遺言を残さずに亡くなった場合、女の子は男の子と同等の相続権を持っていました。[127] [128] [129]ローマ人の母親が財産を所有し、自分の意志の条件を設定することを含め、適切と思われるときにそれを処分する権利は、息子が大人であったとしても、息子に多大な影響を与えました。[130]
伝統的な道徳と社会秩序を回復するためのオーガスタのプログラムの一環として、道徳法は「家族の価値観」を促進する手段として男性と女性の行動を規制しようとしました。共和国の下で私的な家族の問題であった姦通は犯罪とされ[131]、男性市民と既婚女性の間、または既婚女性と他の男性の間で起こった違法な性行為（愚痴）として広く定義されました彼女の夫より。[n 11]出産は州によって奨励された：3人の子供を出産した女性は、象徴的な名誉とより大きな法的自由を与えられた（ius trium liberorum）。
市民としての法的地位と解放される可能性の程度により、女性は財産を所有し、契約を結び、輸送、製造、および貸付を含むビジネスに従事することができました[132] [133] 。帝国全体の碑文は、公共事業への資金提供の恩人として女性を称えています。これは、女性がかなりの財産を獲得して処分できることを示しています。たとえば、セルギウスの凱旋門は、名誉ある家族の女性メンバーであるサルビアポストゥマによって資金提供され、ポンペイのフォーラムで最大の建物は、金星の巫女であるユーマキアによって資金提供されました。[134]
奴隷と法
アウグストゥスの時代、イタリアの人々の35％が奴隷であり、[135]ローマは、奴隷が人口の少なくとも5分の1を構成し、経済。[136]奴隷制は、伝統的なローマの社会構造を支え、経済的有用性に貢献した複雑な制度でした。[137]都市環境では、奴隷は、家庭や職場で訓練を受けた、または熟練していない労働を提供した奴隷の大多数に加えて、教師、医師、シェフ、会計士などの専門家である可能性があります。農業製粉や鉱業などの産業は、奴隷の搾取に依存していました。イタリア国外では、奴隷は平均して人口の10〜20％を占め、ローマのエジプトではまばらですが、ギリシャの一部の地域に集中しています。耕作可能な土地と産業のローマの所有権を拡大することは、地方の奴隷制の既存の慣行に影響を及ぼしたでしょう。[138] [139]奴隷制の制度は、3世紀と4世紀に衰退すると見なされることが多かったが、5世紀までローマ社会の不可欠な部分であり続けた。奴隷制は、西部の都市中心部の衰退とそれに対する需要を生み出した複雑な帝国経済の崩壊とともに、6世紀と7世紀に徐々に止まりました。[140]
奴隷制に関する法律は「非常に複雑」でした。[141]ローマ法の下では、奴隷は財産と見なされ、法人格はありませんでした。彼らは、市民に対して通常は行使されない形態の体罰、性的搾取、拷問、および即決処刑を受ける可能性があります。レイプは自由な人々に対してのみ行われる可能性があるため、法律の問題として奴隷をレイプすることはできませんでした。奴隷の強姦犯は、アクイリアン法に基づく物的損害のために所有者によって起訴されなければなりませんでした。[142] [143]奴隷には、 conubiumと呼ばれる合法的な結婚の形態に対する権利がなかったが、彼らの組合は時々認められ、両方が解放されれば結婚することができた。[144]奴隷戦争後、アウグストゥスと彼の後継者の下での法律は、作業グループのサイズを制限することによって反乱の脅威を制御し、逃亡した奴隷を追い詰めることに対する強い懸念を示している。[145]
技術的には、奴隷は財産を所有することはできませんでしたが[146]、事業を行った奴隷は、自分のものであるかのように使用できる個人の口座または基金（ペキュリウム）へのアクセスを許可される可能性があります。このアカウントの条件は、所有者と奴隷の間の信頼と協力の程度によって異なります。ビジネスに適性のある奴隷は、利益を生み出すためにかなりの余裕を与えられ、彼が管理した他の奴隷に遺贈することができるかもしれません。彼の家族。[147]家庭または職場内には、奴隷の階層が存在する可能性があり、1つの奴隷が事実上他の奴隷の主人として機能します。[148]
時が経つにつれて、奴隷は、主人に対して苦情を申し立てる権利を含む、法的保護の強化を獲得しました。古代ローマの売春婦はしばしば奴隷だったので、売渡証には奴隷を売春に雇うことができないことを規定する条項が含まれているかもしれません。[149] 1世紀後半の宦官奴隷の急成長する貿易は、「欲望または利益のために」彼の意志に反して奴隷を去勢することを禁止する法律を促した。[150] [151]
ローマの奴隷制は人種に基づいていませんでした。[152] [153]奴隷は、ガリア、ヒスパニア、ドイツ、ブリタニア、バルカン半島、ギリシャを含むヨーロッパと地中海各地から集められた...一般的に、イタリアの奴隷は先住民族のイタリア人であり[154]、少数の外国人がいた。イタリア国外で生まれた（奴隷と解放者の両方を含む）彼らの数が最も多かったピーク時の首都の合計の5％と推定されました。ヨーロッパ以外の人々は主にギリシャ系でしたが、ユダヤ人はローマ社会に完全に同化することはなく、識別可能な少数派のままでした。これらの奴隷（特に外国人）は、先住民よりも死亡率が高く、出生率が低く、時には大量の追放にさらされることさえありました。[155]ローマ市の奴隷の平均記録死亡年齢は、17歳半（男性17.2歳、女性17.9歳）と非常に低かった。[156]
奴隷制が普及した共和党の膨張主義の時代には、戦争捕虜が奴隷の主な源でした。奴隷の間の民族の範囲は、ローマが戦争で敗北した軍隊のそれをある程度反映しており、ギリシャの征服は、多くの高度に熟練した教育を受けた奴隷をローマにもたらしました。奴隷も市場で取引され、時には海賊によって売られました。貧しい人々の間での幼児の放棄と自己奴隷制は他の原因でした。[138] 対照的に、ヴェルネは都市部の家庭内または田舎の邸宅や農場で女性の奴隷から生まれた「自家製の」奴隷でした。彼らには特別な法的地位はありませんでしたが、彼のヴェルネを虐待したり世話をしなかった所有者彼らは彼の家族、家族の一部と見なされ、場合によっては実際には家族の自由な男性の子供である可能性があるため、社会的な不承認に直面しました。[157] [158]
ビジネスのコツを持った才能のある奴隷は、彼らの自由を正当化するのに十分な大きさのペキュリウムを蓄積するか、提供されたサービスのために解放されるかもしれません。解放奴隷制は、紀元前2年に法律（Lex Fufia Caninia）が所有者の意志で解放できる奴隷の数を制限するほど頻繁になりました。[159]
解放奴隷
ローマは、解放された奴隷が市民になることを許可するという点でギリシャの都市国家とは異なりました。解放後、ローマ市民に属していた奴隷は、所有権からの受動的な自由だけでなく、選挙権を含む能動的な政治的自由（リベルタス）を享受しました。[160]リベルタスを獲得した奴隷は、彼の元マスターとの関係でリベルタス（「解放された人」、女性のリベルタ）であり、その後、彼のパトロン（パトロン）になりました： 2つ の当事者はお互いに慣習的および法的義務を持ち続けました。社会階級として、解放された奴隷はリベルティーニでしたが、後の作家はこの用語を使用しましたlibertusとlibertinusは同じ意味で。[161] [162]
リベルティヌスは公職または最高の州の神権を保持する資格がありませんでしたが、彼は皇帝のカルトで司祭の役割を果たすことができました。彼は上院階級の家族の女性と結婚することも、正当な上院階級を自分で達成することもできませんでしたが、帝国初期には、解放奴隷が政府官僚機構で重要な地位を占めていたため、ハドリアヌスは法律による参加を制限しました。[162]解放奴隷の将来の子供は、市民権の完全な権利を持って自由に生まれるだろう。
帝国奉仕または富への政治的影響力による成功した解放奴隷の台頭は、初期の帝国社会の特徴です。解放奴隷の高業績グループの繁栄は、帝国全体の碑文と、ヴェッティの家など、ポンペイで最も豪華な家のいくつかの所有権によって証明されています。成金解放奴隷の過剰は、ネロの時代に書いたペトロニウスによって、サテュリコンのトリマルキオの性格で風刺されました。そのような個人は、例外的ではありますが、帝国で可能な 上向きの社会的流動性を示しています。
国勢調査ランク
ラテン語のordo（複数形）は、「クラス、順序、ランク」として英語にさまざまに翻訳される社会的区別を指しますが、どれも正確ではありません。ローマの国勢調査の目的の1つは、個人が属するオルドを特定することでした。ローマで最も高い2つの儀式は、上院と馬術でした。ローマの外では、デクリオ（ギリシャ語のbouleutai）としても知られているデクリオは、個々の都市 の最高の統治の儀式でした。
「上院議員」自体は古代ローマで選出された役職ではありませんでした。ある個人は、上院議員に選出され、少なくとも1期は治安判事を務めた後、上院への入会を獲得しました。上院議員はまた、国勢調査によって決定されたように、 100万セステルティウスの最小財産要件を満たさなければなりませんでした。[163] [164]ネロは、貧しくなりすぎて資格を得ることができなくなった古い家族からの多くの上院議員に多額の金を贈った。ordo senatoriusの資格を得たすべての男性が上院議席を選択したわけではなく、ローマに合法的な居住地が必要でした。天皇はしばしば任命によって600人のメンバーの体の空席を埋めました。[165] [166]上院議員の息子は上院議員に属していましたが、彼は上院自体への入場のために彼自身のメリットで資格を得る必要がありました。上院議員は、道徳的基準に違反したために解任される可能性があります。たとえば、解放奴隷と結婚したり、アリーナで戦ったりすることは禁じられていました。[167]
ネロの時代、上院議員は依然として主にローマとイタリアの他の地域から来ており、一部はイベリア半島と南フランスから来ていました。ギリシャ語を話す東部の州からの男性がウェスパシアヌスの下に追加され始めました。[168]最東端の州、カッパドキアからの最初の上院議員は、マーカスアウレリウスの下で認められた。[169]セウェルス朝（193–235）の時までに、イタリア人は上院の半分未満を構成していました。[170] 3世紀の間に、ローマの居住地は非現実的になり、碑文は彼らの故郷（パトリア）で政治と公務に積極的だった上院議員を証明している。[167]
上院議員は名声のオーラを持っていて、政治的キャリアトラックであるクルススホノルムを経て上昇した伝統的な統治クラスでしたが、帝国の乗馬者はしばしばより大きな富と政治力を持っていました。乗馬オーダーのメンバーシップは財産に基づいていました。ローマの初期には、騎兵や騎士は騎乗した戦士（「公の馬」）としての役割を果たす能力によって区別されていましたが、騎兵隊は帝国では別の機能でした。[n 12] 40万セステルティウスと3世代の自由出産の人口調査の評価は、男性を馬術家として認定しました。[171]紀元前28年の国勢調査により、資格のある多数の男性が発見され、西暦14年には、1,000人の乗馬者がカディスに登録された。そしてパドヴァだけ。[n 13] [172]馬術家は、軍のキャリアトラック（tres militiae）を通り抜けて、帝国政権内で高い地位にある首長および検察官になりました。[173] [174]
上院および馬術の命令への地方の男性の台頭は、帝国の最初の3世紀における社会的流動性の側面です。ローマの貴族は競争に基づいており、後のヨーロッパの貴族とは異なり、ローマの家族は単に遺伝的な継承や土地の所有権を持っているだけではその地位を維持できませんでした。[175] [176]上位の階級への入場は、区別と特権をもたらしたが、多くの責任ももたらした。古代では、都市は、主に軍隊を支援した税収ではなく、公共事業、イベント、およびサービス（ムネラ）に資金を提供するために主要な市民に依存していました。自分のランクを維持するには、莫大な個人的支出が必要でした。[177]デクリオは都市の機能にとって非常に重要であったため、後の帝国では、町議会の階級が枯渇するにつれて、上院に上院に上がった人々は、中央政府によって議席を放棄して故郷に戻るように促されました。市民生活を維持するための努力。[178]
後の帝国では、上院または乗馬のランクに参加したディグニタス（「価値、尊敬」）は、vir illustris、「illustriousman」などの称号でさらに洗練されました。[179]アペラシオン・クラリシムス（ギリシャのランプロタトス）は、特定の上院議員とその近親者（女性を含む）の尊厳を示すために使用された。[180]乗馬ステータスの「グレード」が急増した。インペリアルサービスの人々は、賃金等級によってランク付けされました（sexagenarius、年間60,000セステルティウス、centenarius、 100,000; ducenarius、200,000）。タイトルeminentissimus、「最も著名な」exochôtatos）は、プラエトリアニの首長であった馬術家のために予約されていました。一般的に、高位の馬術当局者は、「最も著名な」（ギリシャ語diasêmotatoi）、「傑出した」（ギリシャ語のkratistos ）、完全な馬術の役人でした。[181]
不平等な正義
法の下の平等の共和国の原則が薄れるにつれて、上流階級の象徴的で社会的な特権は、ローマ社会をより大きな名誉を獲得した人々（名誉）と謙虚な人々（屈辱的な人々）に非公式に分割することにつながりました。一般的に、正直者は、特定の軍の将校とともに、3つの上位の「命令」のメンバーでした。[182] [183] 212年に地球市民権が付与されたことで、特に司法制度の中で、他の市民に対する優位性を確認したいという上流階級間の競争的衝動が高まったようだ。[183] [184] [185]判決は、被告の相対的な「価値」 （ディグニタス）に関する裁判長の判断に依存していました。正直な人は、屈辱的な者が罵倒される可能性のある犯罪で有罪判決を受けた場合、罰金を支払うことができます。[183]
死刑は、死刑判決においても共和国の下で自由人にめったにない法的罰則であったが[186] [187]、「より立派である」と見なされた帝国市民にとっては迅速かつ比較的痛みがない可能性がある。アリーナでの光景としてのはりつけや獣への非難など、以前は奴隷のために予約されていた種類の拷問と長期の死。[188]初期の帝国では、キリスト教に改宗した人々は、特に市民的責任の宗教的側面を果たすことを拒否した場合、正直者としての地位を失う可能性があり、したがって、殉教。[183] [189]
政府と軍
ローマ帝国国家の3つの主要な要素は、中央政府、軍隊、および州政府でした。[190]軍は戦争を通じて領土の支配を確立したが、都市または人々が条約の下に置かれた後、軍事任務は警察に転向した：ローマ市民（西暦212年以降、帝国のすべての自由生まれの住民）、農地を保護するそれらを養った、そして宗教的な場所。[191]マスコミまたは大量破壊のいずれかの近代的な手段がなければ、ローマ人は力だけで彼らの支配を課すのに十分な人的資源または資源を欠いていた。地元の権力エリートとの協力秩序を維持し、情報を収集し、収入を引き出すために必要でした。ローマ人はしばしば、ある派閥を別の派閥に支持することによって内部の政治的分裂を悪用しました。プルタルコスの見解では、「自治の喪失につながったのは都市内の派閥間の不和でした」。[192] [193] [194]
ローマへの忠誠が証明されたコミュニティは、独自の法律を保持し、地元で独自の税金を徴収することができ、例外的にローマの課税を免除されました。法的な特権と相対的な独立は、ローマとの良好な関係を維持するためのインセンティブでした。[195]したがって、ローマ政府は制限されていたが、利用可能な資源の使用において効率的であった。[196]
中央政府
古代ローマの帝国崇拝は、ローマ国家の神聖な権威（auctoritas）を持つ皇帝とその家族の一部のメンバーを特定しました。神格化の儀式（奉献とも呼ばれる）は、故人の皇帝の神格化を意味し、パトレスファミリアスの魂または鬣が息子たちに敬意を表されるという概念と同様に、人々の父としての彼の役割を認めました。[198]
皇帝の支配は、人々の法廷の不可侵性やローマ社会のヒエラルキーを操作する検閲官の権限を含む、いくつかの共和党の役職からの特定の権力の統合に基づいていました。[199]皇帝はまた、自分自身を最高神祇官として中央の宗教的権威とし、宣戦布告、条約の批准、外国の指導者との交渉の権利を集中させた。[200]これらの機能はプリンキパトゥスの間に明確に定義されたが、時間の経過とともに皇帝の権力は憲法を失い、より君主制になり、ドミナートゥスで最高潮に達した。[201]
皇帝は政策決定と意思決定の究極の権威でしたが、プリンキパトゥス初期には、あらゆる分野の個人がアクセスでき、公的な事業や請願に個人的に対処することが期待されていました。彼の周りに官僚機構が徐々に形成された。[202]ユリウス・クラウディウス皇帝は、上院議員や馬術家だけでなく、信頼できる奴隷や解放奴隷を含む非公式の顧問団に依存していた。[203]ネロの後、後者の非公式な影響は疑わしいと見なされ、皇帝の評議会（コンシリウム）は透明性を高めるために公式の任命の対象となった。[204]上院は政策議論の主導権を握ったが、アントニン王朝、馬術はコンシリウムでますます重要な役割を果たしました。[205]皇帝の家族の女性は、しばしば彼の決定に直接介入した。プロティナは、夫のトラヤヌスと後継者のハドリアヌスの両方に影響を及ぼしました。彼女の影響力は、皇帝が権威を行使し、彼の民に耳を傾けるのに合理的であったことのしるしとして、公式事項に関する彼女の手紙を公表することによって宣伝されました。[206]
他の人による皇帝へのアクセスは、クライアントが彼の常連客に支払った伝統的な敬意の発展である毎日のレセプション（挨拶）で得られるかもしれません。宮殿で開催された公開宴会。と宗教的な儀式。このアクセス権を持たない一般の人々は、大規模な会場で開催されるゲームで、グループとして一般的な承認または不満を表明する可能性があります。[207] 4世紀までに、都市の中心部が衰退するにつれて、キリスト教の皇帝は、もはや個々の請願に応じることなく、一般的な判決を下した遠隔の代表者になりました。[208]
上院は、皇帝の意志に反するために暗殺と公然たる反乱を行うことはできませんでしたが、プリンキパトゥス時代の象徴的な政治的中心性を維持するために、オーガスタンの復古と激動の4皇帝の年を生き延びました。[209]上院は皇帝の統治を正当化し、皇帝は上院議員が将軍、外交官、および管理者としての役割を果たすために上院議員（レガトゥス）としての経験を必要としていた。[209] [210]キャリアを成功させるには、管理者としての能力が必要であり、皇帝、または時間の経過とともにおそらく複数の皇帝に賛成し続ける必要がありました。[175]
皇帝の権力と権威の実際的な源は軍隊でした。軍団兵は帝国財務省から支払いを受け、毎年、皇帝（聖餐式）への忠誠の宣誓を誓いました。[211]皇帝の死は、不確実性と危機の決定的な時期をもたらしました。ほとんどの皇帝は、後継者、通常は近親者または養子縁組の相続人の選択を示しました。新しい皇帝は、政治情勢を安定させるために、彼の地位と権威の迅速な承認を求めなければなりませんでした。皇帝は、プラエトリアニと軍団の忠誠と忠誠がなければ、生き残ることを望むことはできません。彼らの忠誠を確保するために、何人かの皇帝はドナティブムを支払いました、金銭的報酬。理論的には、上院は新しい皇帝を選ぶ権利がありましたが、軍隊またはプラエトリアニによる喝采を非常に念頭に置いていました。[210]
軍隊
ポエニ戦争後、ローマ帝国軍は20年間の現役と、予備軍として5年間志願したプロの兵士で構成されていました。専門軍への移行は共和国後期に始まり、共和主義からの多くの重大な転換の1つでした。共和主義の下では、徴兵の軍隊が特定の脅威に対するキャンペーンで祖国を守るために市民としての責任を果たしました。ローマ帝国にとって、軍隊はそれ自体がフルタイムのキャリアでした。[212]ローマ人は、「イタリアで征服したコミュニティを、彼らの軍隊のために巨大な人的資源を生み出すシステムに組織化することによって、彼らの戦争機械を拡大しました...すべての敗北した敵の彼らの主な要求は、彼らが毎年ローマ軍に男性を提供することでした」。[213]
初期帝国のローマ軍の主な使命は、パックス・ロマーナを保護することでした。[214]軍の3つの主要な部門は次のとおりでした：
- ローマの駐屯軍。これには、警察と消防士として機能したプラエトリアニと警備隊の両方が含まれます。
- ローマ軍団と州によって提供された補助機関（補助機関）で構成される州軍。
- 海軍。_
帝国全体への軍事駐屯地の普及は、特に政治、経済、宗教に関して、 「ローマ字化」として知られる文化交流と同化の過程に大きな影響を及ぼしました。[215]ローマ軍の知識は、さまざまな情報源から得られます。ギリシャ語とローマ語の文学テキスト。軍事をテーマにしたコイン。軍事文書を保存するパピルス; トラヤヌスの柱や凱旋門などのモニュメント。戦闘員と軍用機械の両方を芸術的に描写しています。軍の埋葬、戦闘現場、キャンプの考古学。軍の卒業証書、碑文、献辞などの碑文。[216]
疑わしい忠誠の部隊を統合または解散することを含む彼の軍事改革を通じて、アウグストゥスは軍隊を変更し、軍のブーツの裏のホブネイルパターンに至るまで正規化しました。軍団は10のコホートに編成され、各コホートは6世紀で構成され、さらに1世紀は10の分隊（コントゥベルニウム）で構成されていました。兵站によって決定された可能性が最も高い帝国軍団の正確なサイズは、4,800から5,280の範囲であると推定されています。[217]
西暦9年、ゲルマン部族はトイトブルク森の戦いで3つの完全な軍団を一掃しました。この悲惨な出来事により、軍団の数は25に減少しました。軍団の総数は後で再び増加し、次の300年間は常に30より少し上か下になります。[218]軍には1世紀に約30万人の兵士がいました。そして2番目の40万人未満は、それが征服した領土の集団軍よりも「かなり小さい」。帝国に住む成人男性の2％以下が帝国軍に仕えていました。[219]
アウグストゥスはまた、プラエトリアニの警備隊を創設しました。これは、表面上は公共の平和を維持するための9つのコホートであり、イタリアに駐屯していました。軍団兵よりも給料が高く、プラエトリアニはたった16年しか奉仕しませんでした。[220]
補助者は非市民の中から採用されました。ほぼコホートの強さの小さなユニットで編成され、軍団よりも少ない賃金で、25年間の奉仕の後、ローマ市民権が与えられ、息子にも拡大されました。タキトゥス[221]によれば、軍団とほぼ同じ数の助動詞があった。したがって、補助連隊は約125,000人に達し、約250個の補助連隊を意味します。[222]初期の帝国のローマ騎兵隊は、主にケルト人、ヒスパニック人、またはゲルマン人の地域から来ていた。アッリアノスが指摘したように、ケルト人から派生した4角のサドルなど、トレーニングと装備のいくつかの側面考古学によって示されます。[223] [224]
ローマ海軍（ラテン語：classis、「艦隊」）は、軍団の補給と輸送を支援しただけでなく、ライン川とドナウ川沿いの国境の保護にも貢献しました。その任務のもう1つは、海賊の脅威から重要な海上貿易ルートを保護することでした。地中海全体、北大西洋岸の一部、黒海をパトロールしました。それにもかかわらず、軍隊は上級でより権威のある支部と見なされていました。[225]
州政府
併合された領土は、都市の登録、人口調査、土地の調査という3つのステップのプロセスで州になりました。[226]さらなる政府の記録管理には、出生と死亡、不動産取引、税金、および司法手続きが含まれていました。[227] 1世紀と2世紀に、中央政府はイタリア国外を統治するために毎年約160人の役人を派遣した。[11]これらの役人の中には、英語で呼ばれる「ローマ総督」がいた。ローマ人の名の下に元老院州を統治したローマで選出された治安判事。または知事、通常は乗馬ランクの上院の支配から除外された地方、特にローマ帝国の皇帝に代わって帝国。[228]知事は彼が統治する人々に彼自身をアクセス可能にしなければならなかった、しかし彼は様々な任務を委任することができた。[229]しかしながら、彼のスタッフは最小限でした：彼の公式の付き添い（apparitores）は、lictors、heralds、messengers、scribes、およびbodyguardsを含みます。民間および軍の両方の、通常は乗馬ランクの合法者。非公式に彼に同行した年齢と経験の範囲の友人。[229]
他の役人は政府財政の監督者として任命されました。[11]財政責任を正義と行政から分離することは、帝国時代の改革でした。共和国の下では、州知事と税務農家は、個人的な利益のためにより自由に地元住民を搾取することができました。[230]もともと「法外および憲法外」の権限を持っていた馬術の検察官は、国有財産と皇帝の広大な動産（res privata）の両方を管理していた。[229]ローマ政府の役人は数が少なかったので、法的な論争や刑事事件で助けを必要とした州は、検察官や憲兵など、公務員として認められているローマ人を探すかもしれません。憲兵。[229] [231]
ローマ法
ローマの裁判所は、帝国全体でローマ市民が関与する事件について元々の管轄権を持っていましたが、地方でローマ法を一律に課すには司法機能が少なすぎました。東ローマ帝国のほとんどの地域には、すでに確立された法典と司法手続きがありました。[105]一般に、モス地域（「地域の伝統」または「土地の法則」）を尊重し、地方法を法的先例および社会的安定の源泉と見なすのはローマの政策であった。[105] [232]ローマ法と地方法の適合性は、根底にある万民法、「国の法」または国際法を反映していると考えられていた。すべての人間のコミュニティの間で一般的で慣習的であると見なされます。[233]州法の詳細がローマ法または慣習と矛盾する場合、ローマの裁判所は上訴を審理し、皇帝は決定を下す最終的な権限を持っていた。[105] [232] [234]
西洋では、法律は高度にローカライズされた、または部族ベースで管理されており、私有財産権は、特にケルト人の間では、ローマ時代の目新しいものだった可能性があります。ローマ法は、市民としての新しい特権が有利であると認めた親ローマのエリートによる富の獲得を促進しました。[105] 212年に帝国のすべての自由な住民に普遍的市民権を拡大するには、非市民に適用されていた現地の法典に代わって、ローマ法を統一的に適用する必要がありました。3世紀の危機後の帝国を安定させるためのディオクレティアヌスの取り組みには、4年間で2つの主要な法の編纂、グレゴリウス法典とヘルモゲニウス法典が含まれていました。、一貫した法的基準を設定する際に州の管理者をガイドします。[235]
西ヨーロッパ全体に広がるローマ法の行使は、現代法における ラテン語の法律用語の継続的な使用に反映されているように、西洋の法の伝統に多大な影響を及ぼしました。
課税
帝国の下での課税は、帝国の国内総生産の約5％に達しました。[236]個人が支払う典型的な税率は2から5％の範囲でした。[237]税法は、直接税と間接税の複雑なシステムで「当惑」しており、一部は現金で支払われ、一部は現物で支払われました。税金は州、または漁業や塩田などの種類の資産に固有のものである可能性があります。期間限定で有効になる場合があります。[238]徴税は、軍隊を維持する必要性によって正当化された[45] [239]軍が余剰の戦利品を捕獲した場合、納税者は時々払い戻しを受けました。[239]現物税は、現金化されていない地域、特に軍のキャンプに穀物や商品を供給できる地域から受け入れられた。[240]
直接税の主な収入源は人頭税と土地への税金を支払った個人であり、その生産能力または生産能力に対する税金として解釈されました。[237]補足フォームは、特定の免税の対象となる者によって提出される可能性があります。たとえば、エジプトの農民は、ナイル川の洪水パターンに応じて、畑を休耕地および免税地として登録することができます。[241]納税義務は国勢調査によって決定され、各世帯主は主任官僚の前に出頭し、世帯の人数と、農業または居住に適した所有資産の会計を提供する必要がありました。[241]
間接税収入の主な源泉は、州を含む輸出入のポルトリア、税関、通行料でした。[237]奴隷貿易には特別税が課された。彼の治世の終わりに向かって、アウグストゥスは奴隷の販売に4％の税金を課しました[242]。これはネロが購入者からディーラーに移り、彼らは彼らの価格を上げることで対応しました。[243]奴隷を解放した所有者は、価値の5％で計算される「自由税」を支払った。[244]
ある純資産を超えるローマ市民が、肉親以外の誰かに財産を残した場合、5％の相続税が課せられました。相続税とオークションの1％の消費税からの収入は、退役軍人の年金基金（aerarium militare）に向けられました。[237]
低税はローマの貴族が彼らの富を増やすのを助けました、そしてそれは中央政府の収入と同等かそれを超えました。皇帝は「超富裕層」の領地を没収することで国庫を補充することもありましたが、後の時代には、富裕層の税金の支払いに対する抵抗が帝国の崩壊に貢献した要因の1つでした。[45]
経済
モーゼス・フィンリーは、自給農業を特徴とするローマ経済は「未発達で未達成」であるという原始主義者の見解の主要な支持者でした。交易条件と産業の面で生産したよりも多くを消費した都市部。地位の低い職人; ゆっくりと技術を開発します。そして「経済的合理性の欠如」。[246]現在のビューはより複雑です。領土の征服により、土地利用の大規模な再編成が可能になり、特に北アフリカで農業の余剰と専門化がもたらされました。[247]いくつかの都市は特定の産業または商業活動で知られており、都市部の建物の規模は重要な建設業を示しています。[247]パピルスは経済合理主義の要素を示唆する複雑な会計方法を保存しており[248]、帝国は高度に現金化されていました。[249]古代では通信と輸送の手段は限られていたが、1世紀と2世紀の輸送は大幅に拡大し、交易路は地域経済を結びつけた。[250]帝国のあらゆる部分に浸透した軍の供給契約は、基地（カストラ）の近く、州全体、および州の国境を越えて地元の供給業者を利用した。[251]帝国はおそらく、国家が自らの収入を保証するために商取引を監視および規制する「政治資本主義」の形態に基づく地域経済のネットワークとして最もよく考えられています。[252]経済成長は、現代経済に匹敵するものではないが、工業化以前の他のほとんどの社会の成長よりも大きかった。[248]
社会的には、経済のダイナミズムはローマ帝国の社会的流動性の道の1つを開きました。したがって、社会の進歩は、出生、後援、幸運、さらには並外れた能力にのみ依存していませんでした。貴族の価値観は伝統的なエリート社会に浸透しましたが、金権政治への強い傾向は国勢調査ランクの富の要件によって示されています。名声は、それを適切に宣伝する方法で自分の富を投資することによって得ることができます：壮大な田舎の邸宅やタウンハウス、宝石や銀器などの耐久性のある豪華なアイテム、公共の娯楽、家族や同僚のための葬式の記念碑、祭壇などの宗教的な献身。ギルド（コレギウム）と企業（コーパス）は、ネットワーキング、健全なビジネス慣行の共有、および働く意欲を通じて、個人が成功するためのサポートを提供しました。[182]
通貨と銀行
初期の帝国は、価格と負債を表現する方法としてお金を使用するという意味で、ほぼ普遍的な範囲で現金化されました。[253]セステルティウス（複数形のセステルティウス、英語の「セステルティウス」、HSとして象徴される）は、4世紀までの価値を計算するための基本単位でした[254]が、 4セステルティウスに相当する銀のデナリウスは、セウェルス朝。[255]一般的に流通している最小のコインは、ブロンズ（複数形のロバ）、4分の1のセステルティウスでした。[256] 地金とインゴットは、ペクニア、「お金」として数えられていないようであり、商取引や不動産の購入のためのフロンティアでのみ使用されていました。1世紀と2世紀のローマ人は、硬貨を計量するのではなく数えました。これは、硬貨が金属含有量ではなく、表面で評価されたことを示しています。不換紙幣へのこの傾向は、最終的にはローマの硬貨の堕落につながり、後の帝国に影響を及ぼしました。[257]帝国全体のお金の標準化は、貿易と市場の統合を促進した。[253]流通している大量の金属貨幣は、取引または貯蓄のためのマネーサプライを増加させた。[258]
| 紀元前211年 | 西暦14年 | 286-296 AD |
|---|---|---|
| デナリウス= 10ロバ | アウレウス= 25デナリウス | アウレウス=金1ポンドあたり60 |
| セステルティウス= 5つのロバ | デナリウス= 16ロバ | 銀貨（現在の名前は不明）= 96ポンドから1ポンドの銀 |
| セステルティウス= 2.5ロバ | セステルティウス= 4つのロバ | ブロンズコイン（現在の名前は不明）=値は不明 |
| お尻= 1 | お尻= 1 |
ローマには中央銀行がなく、銀行システムの規制は最小限でした。古典古代の銀行は通常、顧客の預金の全額よりも少ない準備金を保持していました。典型的な銀行の資本はかなり限られており、多くの場合、元本は1つだけですが、銀行には6〜15の元本がある場合があります。セネカは、商取引に関与する人は誰でもクレジットにアクセスする必要があると想定しています。[257]
プロの預金銀行家（argentarius、 coactor argentarius、またはそれ以降のnummularius）は、一定期間または無期限の預金を受け取って保持し、第三者にお金を貸し出しました。上院のエリートは、債権者と借り手の両方として、社会的つながりに基づいて個人の財産から融資を行う民間融資に深く関わっていました。[257] [261]債務の保有者は、現金を交換することなく、それを他の当事者に譲渡することにより、支払いの手段としてそれを使用することができます。古代ローマには「紙」やドキュメンタリーの取引がないと考えられることもありましたが、帝国全体の銀行のシステムはまた、特に海上で大量の現金を移動するリスクがあるため、硬貨を物理的に移動することなく非常に多額の交換を許可しました。帝国初期に発生した深刻な信用収縮は1つだけで、西暦33年の信用危機により、多くの上院議員が危険にさらされました。中央政府は、皇帝ティベリウスが銀行（メンサエ）に行った1億HSの融資を通じて市場を救済しました。[262]一般的に、利用可能な資本は借り手が必要とする金額を超えていた。[257]中央政府自体はお金を借りず、公的債務がなければ現金準備金から赤字を賄わなければならなかった。[263]
アントニン王朝とセウェルス朝の皇帝は、軍の給与を満たすという圧力の下で、通貨、特にデナリウスを全体的に非難しました。[254]コモドゥスの治世中の突然のインフレは、クレジット市場に損害を与えた。[257] 200年代半ば、種の供給は急激に減少した。[254] 3世紀の危機の間の状況—長距離貿易の減少、採掘事業の混乱、敵の侵入による帝国外への金貨の物理的移転など—は、マネーサプライと銀行部門を大幅に減少させました。 300年。[254] [257]ローマの硬貨は長い間不換紙幣または受託通貨でしたが、一般的な経済不安はアウレリアンの下で頭に浮かび、銀行家は中央政府によって合法的に発行された硬貨への信頼を失いました。ディオクレティアヌスが金貨と金融改革を導入したにもかかわらず、帝国の信用市場はかつての堅調さを取り戻すことはありませんでした。[257]
鉱業および冶金
帝国の主な採掘地域はイベリア半島（金、銀、銅、スズ、鉛）でした。ガリア（金、銀、鉄）; 英国（主に鉄、鉛、スズ）、ダニューブ地方（金、鉄）; マケドニアとトラキア（金、銀）; および小アジア（金、銀、鉄、スズ）。沖積鉱床の集中的な大規模な採掘は、露天掘りと地下採掘によって、アウグストゥスの治世から3世紀初頭にかけて行われ、帝国の不安定さが生産を混乱させました。ダシアの金鉱, for instance, were no longer available for Roman exploitation after the province was surrendered in 271. Mining seems to have resumed to some extent during the 4th century.[264]
Hydraulic mining, which Pliny referred to as ruina montium ("ruin of the mountains"), allowed base and precious metals to be extracted on a proto-industrial scale.[265] The total annual iron output is estimated at 82,500 tonnes.[266][267][268] Copper was produced at an annual rate of 15,000 t,[265][269] and lead at 80,000 t,[265][270][271] both production levels unmatched until the Industrial Revolution;[269][270][271][272] Hispania alone had a 40% share in world lead production.[270] The high lead output was a by-product of extensive silver mining which reached 200 t per annum. At its peak around the mid-2nd century AD, the Roman silver stock is estimated at 10,000 t, five to ten times larger than the combined silver mass of medieval Europe and the Caliphate around 800 AD.[271][273] As an indication of the scale of Roman metal production, lead pollution in the Greenland ice sheet quadrupled over its prehistoric levels during the Imperial era and dropped again thereafter.[274]
Transportation and communication
The Roman Empire completely encircled the Mediterranean, which they called "our sea" (mare nostrum).[275] Roman sailing vessels navigated the Mediterranean as well as the major rivers of the Empire, including the Guadalquivir, Ebro, Rhône, Rhine, Tiber and Nile.[276] Transport by water was preferred where possible, and moving commodities by land was more difficult.[277] Vehicles, wheels, and ships indicate the existence of a great number of skilled woodworkers.[278]
Land transport utilized the advanced system of Roman roads, which were called "viae". These roads were primarily built for military purposes,[279] but also served commercial ends. The in-kind taxes paid by communities included the provision of personnel, animals, or vehicles for the cursus publicus, the state mail and transport service established by Augustus.[240] Relay stations were located along the roads every seven to twelve Roman miles, and tended to grow into a village or trading post.[280] A mansio (plural mansiones) was a privately run service station franchised by the imperial bureaucracy for the cursus publicus. The support staff at such a facility included muleteers, secretaries, blacksmiths, cartwrights, a veterinarian, and a few military police and couriers. The distance between mansiones was determined by how far a wagon could travel in a day.[280] Mules were the animal most often used for pulling carts, travelling about 4 mph.[281] As an example of the pace of communication, it took a messenger a minimum of nine days to travel to Rome from Mainz in the province of Germania Superior, even on a matter of urgency.[282] In addition to the mansiones, some taverns offered accommodations as well as food and drink; one recorded tab for a stay showed charges for wine, bread, mule feed, and the services of a prostitute.[283]
Trade and commodities
Roman provinces traded among themselves, but trade extended outside the frontiers to regions as far away as China and India.[276] The main commodity was grain.[284] Chinese trade was mostly conducted overland through middle men along the Silk Road; Indian trade, however, also occurred by sea from Egyptian ports on the Red Sea. Along these trade paths, the horse, upon which Roman expansion and commerce depended, was one of the main channels through which disease spread.[285] Also in transit for trade were olive oil, various foodstuffs, garum (fish sauce), slaves, ore and manufactured metal objects, fibres and textiles, timber, pottery, glassware, marble, papyrus, spices and materia medica, ivory, pearls, and gemstones.[286]
Though most provinces were capable of producing wine, regional varietals were desirable and wine was a central item of trade. Shortages of vin ordinaire were rare.[287][288] The major suppliers for the city of Rome were the west coast of Italy, southern Gaul, the Tarraconensis region of Hispania, and Crete. Alexandria, the second-largest city, imported wine from Laodicea in Syria and the Aegean.[289] At the retail level, taverns or specialty wine shops (vinaria) sold wine by the jug for carryout and by the drink on premises, with price ranges reflecting quality.[290]
Labour and occupations
Inscriptions record 268 different occupations in the city of Rome, and 85 in Pompeii.[219] Professional associations or trade guilds (collegia) are attested for a wide range of occupations, including fishermen (piscatores), salt merchants (salinatores), olive oil dealers (olivarii), entertainers (scaenici), cattle dealers (pecuarii), goldsmiths (aurifices), teamsters (asinarii or muliones), and stonecutters (lapidarii). These are sometimes quite specialized: one collegium at Rome was strictly limited to craftsmen who worked in ivory and citrus wood.[182]
Work performed by slaves falls into five general categories: domestic, with epitaphs recording at least 55 different household jobs; imperial or public service; urban crafts and services; agriculture; and mining. Convicts provided much of the labour in the mines or quarries, where conditions were notoriously brutal.[291] In practice, there was little division of labour between slave and free,[105] and most workers were illiterate and without special skills.[292] The greatest number of common labourers were employed in agriculture: in the Italian system of industrial farming (latifundia), these may have been mostly slaves, but throughout the Empire, slave farm labour was probably less important than other forms of dependent labour by people who were technically not enslaved.[105]
Textile and clothing production was a major source of employment. Both textiles and finished garments were traded among the peoples of the Empire, whose products were often named for them or a particular town, rather like a fashion "label".[293] Better ready-to-wear was exported by businessmen (negotiatores or mercatores) who were often well-to-do residents of the production centres.[294] Finished garments might be retailed by their sales agents, who travelled to potential customers, or by vestiarii, clothing dealers who were mostly freedmen; or they might be peddled by itinerant merchants.[294] In Egypt, textile producers could run prosperous small businesses employing apprentices, free workers earning wages, and slaves.[295] The fullers (fullones) and dye workers (coloratores) had their own guilds.[296] Centonarii were guild workers who specialized in textile production and the recycling of old clothes into pieced goods.[n 14]
GDP and income distribution
Economic historians vary in their calculations of the gross domestic product of the Roman economy during the Principate.[297] In the sample years of 14, 100, and 150 AD, estimates of per capita GDP range from 166 to 380 HS. The GDP per capita of Italy is estimated as 40[298] to 66%[299] higher than in the rest of the Empire, due to tax transfers from the provinces and the concentration of elite income in the heartland. In regard to Italy, "there can be little doubt that the lower classes of Pompeii, Herculaneum and other provincial towns of the Roman Empire enjoyed a high standard of living not equaled again in Western Europe until the 19th century AD".[300]
In the Scheidel–Friesen economic model, the total annual income generated by the Empire is placed at nearly 20 billion HS, with about 5% extracted by central and local government. Households in the top 1.5% of income distribution captured about 20% of income. Another 20% went to about 10% of the population who can be characterized as a non-elite middle. The remaining "vast majority" produced more than half of the total income, but lived near subsistence.[301] The elite were 1.2–1.7% and the middling "who enjoyed modest, comfortable levels of existence but not extreme wealth amounted to 6–12% (...) while the vast majority lived around subsistence".[302]
Architecture and engineering
The chief Roman contributions to architecture were the arch, vault and the dome. Even after more than 2,000 years some Roman structures still stand, due in part to sophisticated methods of making cements and concrete.[303][304] Roman roads are considered the most advanced roads built until the early 19th century. The system of roadways facilitated military policing, communications, and trade. The roads were resistant to floods and other environmental hazards. Even after the collapse of the central government, some roads remained usable for more than a thousand years.
Roman bridges were among the first large and lasting bridges, built from stone with the arch as the basic structure. Most utilized concrete as well. The largest Roman bridge was Trajan's bridge over the lower Danube, constructed by Apollodorus of Damascus, which remained for over a millennium the longest bridge to have been built both in terms of overall span and length.[305][306][307]
The Romans built many dams and reservoirs for water collection, such as the Subiaco Dams, two of which fed the Anio Novus, one of the largest aqueducts of Rome.[308][309][310] They built 72 dams just on the Iberian peninsula, and many more are known across the Empire, some still in use. Several earthen dams are known from Roman Britain, including a well-preserved example from Longovicium (Lanchester).
The Romans constructed numerous aqueducts. A surviving treatise by Frontinus, who served as curator aquarum (water commissioner) under Nerva, reflects the administrative importance placed on ensuring the water supply. Masonry channels carried water from distant springs and reservoirs along a precise gradient, using gravity alone. After the water passed through the aqueduct, it was collected in tanks and fed through pipes to public fountains, baths, toilets, or industrial sites.[311] The main aqueducts in the city of Rome were the Aqua Claudia and the Aqua Marcia.[312] The complex system built to supply Constantinople had its most distant supply drawn from over 120 km away along a sinuous route of more than 336 km.[313] Roman aqueducts were built to remarkably fine tolerance, and to a technological standard that was not to be equalled until modern times.[314] The Romans also made use of aqueducts in their extensive mining operations across the empire, at sites such as Las Medulas and Dolaucothi in South Wales.[315]
Insulated glazing (or "double glazing") was used in the construction of public baths. Elite housing in cooler climates might have hypocausts, a form of central heating. The Romans were the first culture to assemble all essential components of the much later steam engine, when Hero built the aeolipile. With the crank and connecting rod system, all elements for constructing a steam engine (invented in 1712)—Hero's aeolipile (generating steam power), the cylinder and piston (in metal force pumps), non-return valves (in water pumps), gearing (in water mills and clocks)—were known in Roman times.[316]
Daily life
City and country
In the ancient world, a city was viewed as a place that fostered civilization by being "properly designed, ordered, and adorned."[317] Augustus undertook a vast building programme in Rome, supported public displays of art that expressed the new imperial ideology, and reorganized the city into neighbourhoods (vici) administered at the local level with police and firefighting services.[318] A focus of Augustan monumental architecture was the Campus Martius, an open area outside the city centre that in early times had been devoted to equestrian sports and physical training for youth. The Altar of Augustan Peace (Ara Pacis Augustae) was located there, as was an obelisk imported from Egypt that formed the pointer (gnomon) of a horologium. With its public gardens, the Campus became one of the most attractive places in the city to visit.[318]
City planning and urban lifestyles had been influenced by the Greeks from an early period,[319] and in the eastern Empire, Roman rule accelerated and shaped the local development of cities that already had a strong Hellenistic character. Cities such as Athens, Aphrodisias, Ephesus and Gerasa altered some aspects of city planning and architecture to conform to imperial ideals, while also expressing their individual identity and regional preeminence.[320][321] In the areas of the western Empire inhabited by Celtic-speaking peoples, Rome encouraged the development of urban centres with stone temples, forums, monumental fountains, and amphitheatres, often on or near the sites of the preexisting walled settlements known as oppida.[322][323][n 15] Urbanization in Roman Africa expanded on Greek and Punic cities along the coast.[280]
The network of cities throughout the Empire (coloniae, municipia, civitates or in Greek terms poleis) was a primary cohesive force during the Pax Romana.[324] Romans of the 1st and 2nd centuries AD were encouraged by imperial propaganda to "inculcate the habits of peacetime".[317][325] As the classicist Clifford Ando has noted:
Most of the cultural appurtenances popularly associated with imperial culture—public cult and its games and civic banquets, competitions for artists, speakers, and athletes, as well as the funding of the great majority of public buildings and public display of art—were financed by private individuals, whose expenditures in this regard helped to justify their economic power and legal and provincial privileges.[326]
Even the Christian polemicist Tertullian declared that the world of the late 2nd century was more orderly and well-cultivated than in earlier times: "Everywhere there are houses, everywhere people, everywhere the res publica, the commonwealth, everywhere life."[327] The decline of cities and civic life in the 4th century, when the wealthy classes were unable or disinclined to support public works, was one sign of the Empire's imminent dissolution.[328]
In the city of Rome, most people lived in multistory apartment buildings (insulae) that were often squalid firetraps. Public facilities—such as baths (thermae), toilets that were flushed with running water (latrinae), conveniently located basins or elaborate fountains (nymphea) delivering fresh water,[323] and large-scale entertainments such as chariot races and gladiator combat—were aimed primarily at the common people who lived in the insulae.[329] Similar facilities were constructed in cities throughout the Empire, and some of the best-preserved Roman structures are in Spain, southern France, and northern Africa.
The public baths served hygienic, social and cultural functions.[330] Bathing was the focus of daily socializing in the late afternoon before dinner.[331] Roman baths were distinguished by a series of rooms that offered communal bathing in three temperatures, with varying amenities that might include an exercise and weight-training room, sauna, exfoliation spa (where oils were massaged into the skin and scraped from the body with a strigil), ball court, or outdoor swimming pool. Baths had hypocaust heating: the floors were suspended over hot-air channels that circulated warmth.[332] Mixed nude bathing was not unusual in the early Empire, though some baths may have offered separate facilities or hours for men and women. Public baths were a part of urban culture throughout the provinces, but in the late 4th century, individual tubs began to replace communal bathing. Christians were advised to go to the baths for health and cleanliness, not pleasure, but to avoid the games (ludi), which were part of religious festivals they considered "pagan". Tertullian says that otherwise Christians not only availed themselves of the baths, but participated fully in commerce and society.[333]
Rich families from Rome usually had two or more houses, a townhouse (domus, plural domūs) and at least one luxury home (villa) outside the city. The domus was a privately owned single-family house, and might be furnished with a private bath (balneum),[332] but it was not a place to retreat from public life.[334] Although some neighbourhoods of Rome show a higher concentration of well-to-do houses, the rich did not live in segregated enclaves. Their houses were meant to be visible and accessible. The atrium served as a reception hall in which the paterfamilias (head of household) met with clients every morning, from wealthy friends to poorer dependents who received charity.[318] It was also a centre of family religious rites, containing a shrine and the images of family ancestors.[335] The houses were located on busy public roads, and ground-level spaces facing the street were often rented out as shops (tabernae).[336] In addition to a kitchen garden—windowboxes might substitute in the insulae—townhouses typically enclosed a peristyle garden that brought a tract of nature, made orderly, within walls.[337][338]
The villa by contrast was an escape from the bustle of the city, and in literature represents a lifestyle that balances the civilized pursuit of intellectual and artistic interests (otium) with an appreciation of nature and the agricultural cycle.[340] Ideally a villa commanded a view or vista, carefully framed by the architectural design.[341] It might be located on a working estate, or in a "resort town" situated on the seacoast, such as Pompeii and Herculaneum.
The programme of urban renewal under Augustus, and the growth of Rome's population to as many as 1 million people, was accompanied by a nostalgia for rural life expressed in the arts. Poetry praised the idealized lives of farmers and shepherds. The interiors of houses were often decorated with painted gardens, fountains, landscapes, vegetative ornament,[341] and animals, especially birds and marine life, rendered accurately enough that modern scholars can sometimes identify them by species.[342] The Augustan poet Horace gently satirized the dichotomy of urban and rural values in his fable of the city mouse and the country mouse, which has often been retold as a children's story.[343][344][345]
On a more practical level, the central government took an active interest in supporting agriculture.[346] Producing food was the top priority of land use.[347] Larger farms (latifundia) achieved an economy of scale that sustained urban life and its more specialized division of labour.[346] Small farmers benefited from the development of local markets in towns and trade centres. Agricultural techniques such as crop rotation and selective breeding were disseminated throughout the Empire, and new crops were introduced from one province to another, such as peas and cabbage to Britain.[348]
Maintaining an affordable food supply to the city of Rome had become a major political issue in the late Republic, when the state began to provide a grain dole (Cura Annonae) to citizens who registered for it.[346] About 200,000–250,000 adult males in Rome received the dole, amounting to about 33 kg. per month, for a per annum total of about 100,000 tons of wheat primarily from Sicily, north Africa, and Egypt.[349] The dole cost at least 15% of state revenues,[346] but improved living conditions and family life among the lower classes,[350] and subsidized the rich by allowing workers to spend more of their earnings on the wine and olive oil produced on the estates of the landowning class.[346]
The grain dole also had symbolic value: it affirmed both the emperor's position as universal benefactor, and the right of all citizens to share in "the fruits of conquest".[346] The annona, public facilities, and spectacular entertainments mitigated the otherwise dreary living conditions of lower-class Romans, and kept social unrest in check. The satirist Juvenal, however, saw "bread and circuses" (panem et circenses) as emblematic of the loss of republican political liberty:[351][352]
The public has long since cast off its cares: the people that once bestowed commands, consulships, legions and all else, now meddles no more and longs eagerly for just two things: bread and circuses.[353]
Food and dining
Most apartments in Rome lacked kitchens, though a charcoal brazier could be used for rudimentary cookery.[355][356] Prepared food was sold at pubs and bars, inns, and food stalls (tabernae, cauponae, popinae, thermopolia).[357] Carryout and restaurant dining were for the lower classes; fine dining could be sought only at private dinner parties in well-to-do houses with a chef (archimagirus) and trained kitchen staff,[358] or at banquets hosted by social clubs (collegia).[359]
Most people would have consumed at least 70% of their daily calories in the form of cereals and legumes.[360] Puls (pottage) was considered the aboriginal food of the Romans.[361][362] The basic grain pottage could be elaborated with chopped vegetables, bits of meat, cheese, or herbs to produce dishes similar to polenta or risotto.[363]
Urban populations and the military preferred to consume their grain in the form of bread.[360] Mills and commercial ovens were usually combined in a bakery complex.[364] By the reign of Aurelian, the state had begun to distribute the annona as a daily ration of bread baked in state factories, and added olive oil, wine, and pork to the dole.[346][365][366]
The importance of a good diet to health was recognized by medical writers such as Galen (2nd century AD), whose treatises included one On Barley Soup. Views on nutrition were influenced by schools of thought such as humoral theory.[367]
Roman literature focuses on the dining habits of the upper classes,[368] for whom the evening meal (cena) had important social functions.[369] Guests were entertained in a finely decorated dining room (triclinium), often with a view of the peristyle garden. Diners lounged on couches, leaning on the left elbow. By the late Republic, if not earlier, women dined, reclined, and drank wine along with men.[370]
The most famous description of a Roman meal is probably Trimalchio's dinner party in the Satyricon, a fictional extravaganza that bears little resemblance to reality even among the most wealthy.[371] The poet Martial describes serving a more plausible dinner, beginning with the gustatio ("tasting" or "appetizer"), which was a salad composed of mallow leaves, lettuce, chopped leeks, mint, arugula, mackerel garnished with rue, sliced eggs, and marinated sow udder. The main course was succulent cuts of kid, beans, greens, a chicken, and leftover ham, followed by a dessert of fresh fruit and vintage wine.[372] The Latin expression for a full-course dinner was ab ovo usque mala, "from the egg to the apples," equivalent to the English "from soup to nuts."[373]
A book-length collection of Roman recipes is attributed to Apicius, a name for several figures in antiquity that became synonymous with "gourmet."[374] Roman "foodies" indulged in wild game, fowl such as peacock and flamingo, large fish (mullet was especially prized), and shellfish. Luxury ingredients were brought by the fleet from the far reaches of empire, from the Parthian frontier to the Straits of Gibraltar.[375]
Refined cuisine could be moralized as a sign of either civilized progress or decadent decline.[376] The early Imperial historian Tacitus contrasted the indulgent luxuries of the Roman table in his day with the simplicity of the Germanic diet of fresh wild meat, foraged fruit, and cheese, unadulterated by imported seasonings and elaborate sauces.[377] Most often, because of the importance of landowning in Roman culture, produce—cereals, legumes, vegetables, and fruit—was considered a more civilized form of food than meat. The Mediterranean staples of bread, wine, and oil were sacralized by Roman Christianity, while Germanic meat consumption became a mark of paganism,[378] as it might be the product of animal sacrifice.
Some philosophers and Christians resisted the demands of the body and the pleasures of food, and adopted fasting as an ideal.[379] Food became simpler in general as urban life in the West diminished, trade routes were disrupted,[378] and the rich retreated to the more limited self-sufficiency of their country estates. As an urban lifestyle came to be associated with decadence, the Church formally discouraged gluttony,[380] and hunting and pastoralism were seen as simple, virtuous ways of life.[378]
Recreation and spectacles
When Juvenal complained that the Roman people had exchanged their political liberty for "bread and circuses", he was referring to the state-provided grain dole and the circenses, events held in the entertainment venue called a circus in Latin. The largest such venue in Rome was the Circus Maximus, the setting of horse races, chariot races, the equestrian Troy Game, staged beast hunts (venationes), athletic contests, gladiator combat, and historical re-enactments. From earliest times, several religious festivals had featured games (ludi), primarily horse and chariot races (ludi circenses).[383] Although their entertainment value tended to overshadow ritual significance, the races remained part of archaic religious observances that pertained to agriculture, initiation, and the cycle of birth and death.[n 16]
Under Augustus, public entertainments were presented on 77 days of the year; by the reign of Marcus Aurelius, the number of days had expanded to 135.[384] Circus games were preceded by an elaborate parade (pompa circensis) that ended at the venue.[385] Competitive events were held also in smaller venues such as the amphitheatre, which became the characteristic Roman spectacle venue, and stadium. Greek-style athletics included footraces, boxing, wrestling, and the pancratium.[386] Aquatic displays, such as the mock sea battle (naumachia) and a form of "water ballet", were presented in engineered pools.[387] State-supported theatrical events (ludi scaenici) took place on temple steps or in grand stone theatres, or in the smaller enclosed theatre called an odeum.[388]
Circuses were the largest structure regularly built in the Roman world,[389] though the Greeks had their own architectural traditions for the similarly purposed hippodrome. The Flavian Amphitheatre, better known as the Colosseum, became the regular arena for blood sports in Rome after it opened in 80 AD.[390] The circus races continued to be held more frequently.[391] The Circus Maximus could seat around 150,000 spectators, and the Colosseum about 50,000 with standing room for about 10,000 more.[392] Many Roman amphitheatres, circuses and theatres built in cities outside Italy are visible as ruins today.[390] The local ruling elite were responsible for sponsoring spectacles and arena events, which both enhanced their status and drained their resources.[188]
The physical arrangement of the amphitheatre represented the order of Roman society: the emperor presiding in his opulent box; senators and equestrians watching from the advantageous seats reserved for them; women seated at a remove from the action; slaves given the worst places, and everybody else packed in-between.[393][394][395] The crowd could call for an outcome by booing or cheering, but the emperor had the final say. Spectacles could quickly become sites of social and political protest, and emperors sometimes had to deploy force to put down crowd unrest, most notoriously at the Nika riots in the year 532, when troops under Justinian slaughtered thousands.[396][397][398][399]
The chariot teams were known by the colours they wore, with the Blues and Greens the most popular. Fan loyalty was fierce and at times erupted into sports riots.[397][401][402] Racing was perilous, but charioteers were among the most celebrated and well-compensated athletes.[403] One star of the sport was Diocles, from Lusitania (present-day Portugal), who raced chariots for 24 years and had career earnings of 35 million sesterces.[404][396] Horses had their fans too, and were commemorated in art and inscriptions, sometimes by name.[405][406] The design of Roman circuses was developed to assure that no team had an unfair advantage and to minimize collisions (naufragia, "shipwrecks"),[407][408] which were nonetheless frequent and spectacularly satisfying to the crowd.[409][410] The races retained a magical aura through their early association with chthonic rituals: circus images were considered protective or lucky, curse tablets have been found buried at the site of racetracks, and charioteers were often suspected of sorcery.[396][411][412][413][414] Chariot racing continued into the Byzantine period under imperial sponsorship, but the decline of cities in the 6th and 7th centuries led to its eventual demise.[389]
The Romans thought gladiator contests had originated with funeral games and sacrifices in which select captive warriors were forced to fight to expiate the deaths of noble Romans. Some of the earliest styles of gladiator fighting had ethnic designations such as "Thracian" or "Gallic".[368][415][416] The staged combats were considered munera, "services, offerings, benefactions", initially distinct from the festival games (ludi).[415][416]
Throughout his 40-year reign, Augustus presented eight gladiator shows in which a total of 10,000 men fought, as well as 26 staged beast hunts that resulted in the deaths of 3,500 animals.[417][418][419] To mark the opening of the Colosseum, the emperor Titus presented 100 days of arena events, with 3,000 gladiators competing on a single day.[390][420][421] Roman fascination with gladiators is indicated by how widely they are depicted on mosaics, wall paintings, lamps, and even graffiti drawings.[418]
Gladiators were trained combatants who might be slaves, convicts, or free volunteers.[422] Death was not a necessary or even desirable outcome in matches between these highly skilled fighters, whose training represented a costly and time-consuming investment.[421][423][424] By contrast, noxii were convicts sentenced to the arena with little or no training, often unarmed, and with no expectation of survival. Physical suffering and humiliation were considered appropriate retributive justice for the crimes they had committed.[188] These executions were sometimes staged or ritualized as re-enactments of myths, and amphitheatres were equipped with elaborate stage machinery to create special effects.[188][425][426] Tertullian considered deaths in the arena to be nothing more than a dressed-up form of human sacrifice.[427][428][429]
Modern scholars have found the pleasure Romans took in the "theatre of life and death"[430] to be one of the more difficult aspects of their civilization to understand and explain.[431][432] The younger Pliny rationalized gladiator spectacles as good for the people, a way "to inspire them to face honourable wounds and despise death, by exhibiting love of glory and desire for victory even in the bodies of slaves and criminals".[433][434] Some Romans such as Seneca were critical of the brutal spectacles, but found virtue in the courage and dignity of the defeated fighter rather than in victory[435]—an attitude that finds its fullest expression with the Christians martyred in the arena. Even martyr literature, however, offers "detailed, indeed luxuriant, descriptions of bodily suffering",[436] and became a popular genre at times indistinguishable from fiction.[437][438][439][440][441][442]
Personal training and play
In the plural, ludi almost always refers to the large-scale spectator games. The singular ludus, "play, game, sport, training," had a wide range of meanings such as "word play," "theatrical performance," "board game," "primary school," and even "gladiator training school" (as in Ludus Magnus, the largest such training camp at Rome).[443][444]
Activities for children and young people included hoop rolling and knucklebones (astragali or "jacks"). The sarcophagi of children often show them playing games. Girls had dolls, typically 15–16 cm tall with jointed limbs, made of materials such as wood, terracotta, and especially bone and ivory.[445] Ball games include trigon, which required dexterity, and harpastum, a rougher sport.[446] Pets appear often on children's memorials and in literature, including birds, dogs, cats, goats, sheep, rabbits and geese.[447]
After adolescence, most physical training for males was of a military nature. The Campus Martius originally was an exercise field where young men developed the skills of horsemanship and warfare. Hunting was also considered an appropriate pastime. According to Plutarch, conservative Romans disapproved of Greek-style athletics that promoted a fine body for its own sake, and condemned Nero's efforts to encourage gymnastic games in the Greek manner.[449]
Some women trained as gymnasts and dancers, and a rare few as female gladiators. The famous "bikini girls" mosaic shows young women engaging in apparatus routines that might be compared to rhythmic gymnastics.[n 17][450] Women, in general, were encouraged to maintain their health through activities such as playing ball, swimming, walking, reading aloud (as a breathing exercise), riding in vehicles, and travel.[451]
People of all ages played board games pitting two players against each other, including latrunculi ("Raiders"), a game of strategy in which opponents coordinated the movements and capture of multiple game pieces, and XII scripta ("Twelve Marks"), involving dice and arranging pieces on a grid of letters or words.[452] A game referred to as alea (dice) or tabula (the board), to which the emperor Claudius was notoriously addicted, may have been similar to backgammon, using a dice-cup (pyrgus).[448] Playing with dice as a form of gambling was disapproved of, but was a popular pastime during the December festival of the Saturnalia with its carnival, norms-overturned atmosphere.
Clothing
In a status-conscious society like that of the Romans, clothing and personal adornment gave immediate visual clues about the etiquette of interacting with the wearer.[453] Wearing the correct clothing was supposed to reflect a society in good order.[454] The toga was the distinctive national garment of the Roman male citizen, but it was heavy and impractical, worn mainly for conducting political business and religious rites, and for going to court.[455][456] The clothing Romans wore ordinarily was dark or colourful, and the most common male attire seen daily throughout the provinces would have been tunics, cloaks, and in some regions trousers.[457] The study of how Romans dressed in daily life is complicated by a lack of direct evidence, since portraiture may show the subject in clothing with symbolic value, and surviving textiles from the period are rare.[456][458][459]
The basic garment for all Romans, regardless of gender or wealth, was the simple sleeved tunic. The length differed by wearer: a man's reached mid-calf, but a soldier's was somewhat shorter; a woman's fell to her feet, and a child's to its knees.[461] The tunics of poor people and labouring slaves were made from coarse wool in natural, dull shades, with the length determined by the type of work they did. Finer tunics were made of lightweight wool or linen. A man who belonged to the senatorial or equestrian order wore a tunic with two purple stripes (clavi) woven vertically into the fabric: the wider the stripe, the higher the wearer's status.[461] Other garments could be layered over the tunic.
The Imperial toga was a "vast expanse" of semi-circular white wool that could not be put on and draped correctly without assistance.[455] In his work on oratory, Quintilian describes in detail how the public speaker ought to orchestrate his gestures in relation to his toga.[454][456][462] In art, the toga is shown with the long end dipping between the feet, a deep curved fold in front, and a bulbous flap at the midsection.[456] The drapery became more intricate and structured over time, with the cloth forming a tight roll across the chest in later periods.[463] The toga praetexta, with a purple or purplish-red stripe representing inviolability, was worn by children who had not come of age, curule magistrates, and state priests. Only the emperor could wear an all-purple toga (toga picta).[464]
In the 2nd century, emperors and men of status are often portrayed wearing the pallium, an originally Greek mantle (himation) folded tightly around the body. Women are also portrayed in the pallium. Tertullian considered the pallium an appropriate garment both for Christians, in contrast to the toga, and for educated people, since it was associated with philosophers.[454][456][465] By the 4th century, the toga had been more or less replaced by the pallium as a garment that embodied social unity.[466]
Roman clothing styles changed over time, though not as rapidly as fashions today.[467] In the Dominate, clothing worn by both soldiers and government bureaucrats became highly decorated, with woven or embroidered stripes (clavi) and circular roundels (orbiculi) applied to tunics and cloaks. These decorative elements consisted of geometrical patterns, stylized plant motifs, and in more elaborate examples, human or animal figures.[468] The use of silk increased, and courtiers of the later Empire wore elaborate silk robes. The militarization of Roman society, and the waning of cultural life based on urban ideals, affected habits of dress: heavy military-style belts were worn by bureaucrats as well as soldiers, and the toga was abandoned.[469]
Arts
People visiting or living in Rome or the cities throughout the Empire would have seen art in a range of styles and media on a daily basis. Public or official art — including sculpture, monuments such as victory columns or triumphal arches, and the iconography on coins — is often analysed for its historical significance or as an expression of imperial ideology.[470][471] At Imperial public baths, a person of humble means could view wall paintings, mosaics, statues, and interior decoration often of high quality.[472] In the private sphere, objects made for religious dedications, funerary commemoration, domestic use, and commerce can show varying degrees of esthetic quality and artistic skill.[473] A wealthy person might advertise his appreciation of culture through painting, sculpture, and decorative arts at his home—though some efforts strike modern viewers and some ancient connoisseurs as strenuous rather than tasteful.[474] Greek art had a profound influence on the Roman tradition, and some of the most famous examples of Greek statues are known only from Roman Imperial versions and the occasional description in a Greek or Latin literary source.[475]
Despite the high value placed on works of art, even famous artists were of low social status among the Greeks and Romans, who regarded artists, artisans, and craftsmen alike as manual labourers. At the same time, the level of skill required to produce quality work was recognized, and even considered a divine gift.[476]
Portraiture
Portraiture, which survives mainly in the medium of sculpture, was the most copious form of imperial art. Portraits during the Augustan period utilize youthful and classical proportions, evolving later into a mixture of realism and idealism.[477] Republican portraits had been characterized by a "warts and all" verism, but as early as the 2nd century BC, the Greek convention of heroic nudity was adopted sometimes for portraying conquering generals.[478] Imperial portrait sculptures may model the head as mature, even craggy, atop a nude or seminude body that is smooth and youthful with perfect musculature; a portrait head might even be added to a body created for another purpose.[479] Clothed in the toga or military regalia, the body communicates rank or sphere of activity, not the characteristics of the individual.[480]
Women of the emperor's family were often depicted dressed as goddesses or divine personifications such as Pax ("Peace"). Portraiture in painting is represented primarily by the Fayum mummy portraits, which evoke Egyptian and Roman traditions of commemorating the dead with the realistic painting techniques of the Empire. Marble portrait sculpture would have been painted, and while traces of paint have only rarely survived the centuries, the Fayum portraits indicate why ancient literary sources marvelled at how lifelike artistic representations could be.[481]
Sculpture
Examples of Roman sculpture survive abundantly, though often in damaged or fragmentary condition, including freestanding statues and statuettes in marble, bronze and terracotta, and reliefs from public buildings, temples, and monuments such as the Ara Pacis, Trajan's Column, and the Arch of Titus. Niches in amphitheatres such as the Colosseum were originally filled with statues,[483][484] and no formal garden was complete without statuary.[485]
Temples housed the cult images of deities, often by famed sculptors.[486] The religiosity of the Romans encouraged the production of decorated altars, small representations of deities for the household shrine or votive offerings, and other pieces for dedicating at temples.
Sarcophagi
Elaborately carved marble and limestone sarcophagi are characteristic of the 2nd to the 4th centuries[488] with at least 10,000 examples surviving.[489] Although mythological scenes have been most widely studied,[490] sarcophagus relief has been called the "richest single source of Roman iconography,"[491] and may also depict the deceased's occupation or life course, military scenes, and other subject matter. The same workshops produced sarcophagi with Jewish or Christian imagery.[492]
Painting
Romans absorbed their initial paint models and techniques in part from Etruscan painting and in part from Greek painting.
Examples of Roman paintings can be found in a few palaces (mostly found in Rome and surroundings), in many catacombs and in some villas such as the villa of Livia.
Much of what is known of Roman painting is based on the interior decoration of private homes, particularly as preserved at Pompeii, Herculaneum and Stabiae by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79 AD. In addition to decorative borders and panels with geometric or vegetative motifs, wall painting depicts scenes from mythology and the theatre, landscapes and gardens, recreation and spectacles, work and everyday life, and erotic art.
A unique source for Jewish figurative painting under the Empire is the Dura-Europos synagogue, dubbed "the Pompeii of the Syrian Desert,"[n 18] buried and preserved in the mid-3rd century after the city was destroyed by Persians.[493][494]
Mosaic
Mosaics are among the most enduring of Roman decorative arts, and are found on the surfaces of floors and other architectural features such as walls, vaulted ceilings, and columns. The most common form is the tessellated mosaic, formed from uniform pieces (tesserae) of materials such as stone and glass.[496] Mosaics were usually crafted on site, but sometimes assembled and shipped as ready-made panels. A mosaic workshop was led by the master artist (pictor) who worked with two grades of assistants.[497]
Figurative mosaics share many themes with painting, and in some cases portray subject matter in almost identical compositions. Although geometric patterns and mythological scenes occur throughout the Empire, regional preferences also find expression. In North Africa, a particularly rich source of mosaics, homeowners often chose scenes of life on their estates, hunting, agriculture, and local wildlife.[495] Plentiful and major examples of Roman mosaics come also from present-day Turkey, Italy, southern France, Spain, and Portugal. More than 300 Antioch mosaics from the 3rd century are known.[498]
Opus sectile is a related technique in which flat stone, usually coloured marble, is cut precisely into shapes from which geometric or figurative patterns are formed. This more difficult technique was highly prized and became especially popular for luxury surfaces in the 4th century, an abundant example of which is the Basilica of Junius Bassus.[499]
Decorative arts
Decorative arts for luxury consumers included fine pottery, silver and bronze vessels and implements, and glassware. The manufacture of pottery in a wide range of quality was important to trade and employment, as were the glass and metalworking industries. Imports stimulated new regional centres of production. Southern Gaul became a leading producer of the finer red-gloss pottery (terra sigillata) that was a major item of trade in 1st-century Europe.[500] Glassblowing was regarded by the Romans as originating in Syria in the 1st century BC, and by the 3rd century, Egypt and the Rhineland had become noted for fine glass.[501][502]
Silver cup, from the Boscoreale Treasure (early 1st century AD)
Finely decorated Gallo-Roman terra sigillata bowl
Glass cage cup from the Rhineland, 4th century
Performing arts
In Roman tradition, borrowed from the Greeks, literary theatre was performed by all-male troupes that used face masks with exaggerated facial expressions that allowed audiences to "see" how a character was feeling. Such masks were occasionally also specific to a particular role, and an actor could then play multiple roles merely by switching masks. Female roles were played by men in drag (travesti). Roman literary theatre tradition is particularly well represented in Latin literature by the tragedies of Seneca. The circumstances under which Seneca's tragedies were performed are however unclear; scholarly conjectures range from minimally staged readings to full production pageants. More popular than literary theatre was the genre-defying mimus theatre, which featured scripted scenarios with free improvization, risqué language and jokes, sex scenes, action sequences, and political satire, along with dance numbers, juggling, acrobatics, tightrope walking, striptease, and dancing bears.[503][504][505] Unlike literary theatre, mimus was played without masks, and encouraged stylistic realism in acting. Female roles were performed by women, not by men.[506] Mimus was related to the genre called pantomimus, an early form of story ballet that contained no spoken dialogue. Pantomimus combined expressive dancing, instrumental music and a sung libretto, often mythological, that could be either tragic or comic.[507][508]
Although sometimes regarded as foreign elements in Roman culture, music and dance had existed in Rome from earliest times.[509] Music was customary at funerals, and the tibia (Greek aulos), a woodwind instrument, was played at sacrifices to ward off ill influences.[510] Song (carmen) was an integral part of almost every social occasion. The Secular Ode of Horace, commissioned by Augustus, was performed publicly in 17 BC by a mixed children's choir. Music was thought to reflect the orderliness of the cosmos, and was associated particularly with mathematics and knowledge.[511]
Various woodwinds and "brass" instruments were played, as were stringed instruments such as the cithara, and percussion.[510] The cornu, a long tubular metal wind instrument that curved around the musician's body, was used for military signals and on parade.[510] These instruments are found in parts of the Empire where they did not originate and indicate that music was among the aspects of Roman culture that spread throughout the provinces. Instruments are widely depicted in Roman art.[512]
The hydraulic pipe organ (hydraulis) was "one of the most significant technical and musical achievements of antiquity", and accompanied gladiator games and events in the amphitheatre, as well as stage performances. It was among the instruments that the emperor Nero played.[510]
Although certain forms of dance were disapproved of at times as non-Roman or unmanly, dancing was embedded in religious rituals of archaic Rome, such as those of the dancing armed Salian priests and of the Arval Brothers, priesthoods which underwent a revival during the Principate.[513] Ecstatic dancing was a feature of the international mystery religions, particularly the cult of Cybele as practiced by her eunuch priests the Galli[514] and of Isis. In the secular realm, dancing girls from Syria and Cadiz were extremely popular.[515]
Like gladiators, entertainers were infames in the eyes of the law, little better than slaves even if they were technically free. "Stars", however, could enjoy considerable wealth and celebrity, and mingled socially and often sexually with the upper classes, including emperors.[516] Performers supported each other by forming guilds, and several memorials for members of the theatre community survive.[517] Theatre and dance were often condemned by Christian polemicists in the later Empire,[509] and Christians who integrated dance traditions and music into their worship practices were regarded by the Church Fathers as shockingly "pagan."[518] St. Augustine is supposed to have said that bringing clowns, actors, and dancers into a house was like inviting in a gang of unclean spirits.[519][520]
Literacy, books, and education
Estimates of the average literacy rate in the Empire range from 5 to 30% or higher, depending in part on the definition of "literacy".[521][522][523][524] The Roman obsession with documents and public inscriptions indicates the high value placed on the written word.[525][526][527][528][529] The Imperial bureaucracy was so dependent on writing that the Babylonian Talmud declared "if all seas were ink, all reeds were pen, all skies parchment, and all men scribes, they would be unable to set down the full scope of the Roman government's concerns."[530] Laws and edicts were posted in writing as well as read out. Illiterate Roman subjects would have someone such as a government scribe (scriba) read or write their official documents for them.[523][531] Public art and religious ceremonies were ways to communicate imperial ideology regardless of ability to read.[532] The Romans had an extensive priestly archive, and inscriptions appear throughout the Empire in connection with statues and small votives dedicated by ordinary people to divinities, as well as on binding tablets and other "magic spells", with hundreds of examples collected in the Greek Magical Papyri.[533][534][535][536] The military produced a vast amount of written reports and service records,[537] and literacy in the army was "strikingly high".[538] Urban graffiti, which include literary quotations, and low-quality inscriptions with misspellings and solecisms indicate casual literacy among non-elites.[539][540][n 19][83] In addition, numeracy was necessary for any form of commerce.[526][541] Slaves were numerate and literate in significant numbers, and some were highly educated.[542]
Books were expensive, since each copy had to be written out individually on a roll of papyrus (volumen) by scribes who had apprenticed to the trade.[543] The codex—a book with pages bound to a spine—was still a novelty in the time of the poet Martial (1st century AD),[544][545] but by the end of the 3rd century was replacing the volumen[543][546] and was the regular form for books with Christian content.[547] Commercial production of books had been established by the late Republic,[548] and by the 1st century AD certain neighbourhoods of Rome were known for their bookshops (tabernae librariae), which were found also in Western provincial cities such as Lugdunum (present-day Lyon, France).[549][550] The quality of editing varied wildly, and some ancient authors complain about error-ridden copies,[548][551] as well as plagiarism or forgery, since there was no copyright law.[548] A skilled slave copyist (servus litteratus) could be valued as highly as 100,000 sesterces.[552][553]
Collectors amassed personal libraries,[554] such as that of the Villa of the Papyri in Herculaneum, and a fine library was part of the cultivated leisure (otium) associated with the villa lifestyle.[555] Significant collections might attract "in-house" scholars; Lucian mocked mercenary Greek intellectuals who attached themselves to philistine Roman patrons.[556] An individual benefactor might endow a community with a library: Pliny the Younger gave the city of Comum a library valued at 1 million sesterces, along with another 100,000 to maintain it.[557][558] Imperial libraries housed in state buildings were open to users as a privilege on a limited basis, and represented a literary canon from which disreputable writers could be excluded.[559][560] Books considered subversive might be publicly burned,[561] and Domitian crucified copyists for reproducing works deemed treasonous.[562][563]
Literary texts were often shared aloud at meals or with reading groups.[564][565] Scholars such as Pliny the Elder engaged in "multitasking" by having works read aloud to them while they dined, bathed or travelled, times during which they might also dictate drafts or notes to their secretaries.[566] The multivolume Attic Nights of Aulus Gellius is an extended exploration of how Romans constructed their literary culture.[567] The reading public expanded from the 1st through the 3rd century, and while those who read for pleasure remained a minority, they were no longer confined to a sophisticated ruling elite, reflecting the social fluidity of the Empire as a whole and giving rise to "consumer literature" meant for entertainment.[568] Illustrated books, including erotica, were popular, but are poorly represented by extant fragments.[569]
Primary education
Traditional Roman education was moral and practical. Stories about great men and women, or cautionary tales about individual failures, were meant to instil Roman values (mores maiorum). Parents and family members were expected to act as role models, and parents who worked for a living passed their skills on to their children, who might also enter apprenticeships for more advanced training in crafts or trades.[571] Formal education was available only to children from families who could pay for it, and the lack of state intervention in access to education contributed to the low rate of literacy.[572][573]
Young children were attended by a pedagogus, or less frequently a female pedagoga, usually a Greek slave or former slave.[574] The pedagogue kept the child safe, taught self-discipline and public behaviour, attended class and helped with tutoring.[575] The emperor Julian recalled his pedagogue Mardonius, a Gothic eunuch slave who reared him from the age of 7 to 15, with affection and gratitude. Usually, however, pedagogues received little respect.[576]
Primary education in reading, writing, and arithmetic might take place at home for privileged children whose parents hired or bought a teacher.[577] Others attended a school that was "public," though not state-supported, organized by an individual schoolmaster (ludimagister) who accepted fees from multiple parents.[578] Vernae (homeborn slave children) might share in-home or public schooling.[579] Schools became more numerous during the Empire and increased the opportunities for children to acquire an education.[573] School could be held regularly in a rented space, or in any available public niche, even outdoors. Boys and girls received primary education generally from ages 7 to 12, but classes were not segregated by grade or age.[580] For the socially ambitious, bilingual education in Greek as well as Latin was a must.[573]
Quintilian provides the most extensive theory of primary education in Latin literature. According to Quintilian, each child has in-born ingenium, a talent for learning or linguistic intelligence that is ready to be cultivated and sharpened, as evidenced by the young child's ability to memorize and imitate. The child incapable of learning was rare. To Quintilian, ingenium represented a potential best realized in the social setting of school, and he argued against homeschooling. He also recognized the importance of play in child development,[n 20] and disapproved of corporal punishment because it discouraged love of learning—in contrast to the practice in most Roman primary schools of routinely striking children with a cane (ferula) or birch rod for being slow or disruptive.[581]
Secondary education
At the age of 14, upperclass males made their rite of passage into adulthood, and began to learn leadership roles in political, religious, and military life through mentoring from a senior member of their family or a family friend.[582] Higher education was provided by grammatici or rhetores.[583] The grammaticus or "grammarian" taught mainly Greek and Latin literature, with history, geography, philosophy or mathematics treated as explications of the text.[584] With the rise of Augustus, contemporary Latin authors such as Virgil and Livy also became part of the curriculum.[585] The rhetor was a teacher of oratory or public speaking. The art of speaking (ars dicendi) was highly prized as a marker of social and intellectual superiority, and eloquentia ("speaking ability, eloquence") was considered the "glue" of a civilized society.[586] Rhetoric was not so much a body of knowledge (though it required a command of references to the literary canon[587]) as it was a mode of expression and decorum that distinguished those who held social power.[588] The ancient model of rhetorical training—"restraint, coolness under pressure, modesty, and good humour"[589]—endured into the 18th century as a Western educational ideal.[590]
In Latin, illiteratus (Greek agrammatos) could mean both "unable to read and write" and "lacking in cultural awareness or sophistication."[521] Higher education promoted career advancement, particularly for an equestrian in Imperial service: "eloquence and learning were considered marks of a well-bred man and worthy of reward".[591] The poet Horace, for instance, was given a top-notch education by his father, a prosperous former slave.[592][593][594]
Urban elites throughout the Empire shared a literary culture embued with Greek educational ideals (paideia).[595] Hellenistic cities sponsored schools of higher learning as an expression of cultural achievement.[596] Young men from Rome who wished to pursue the highest levels of education often went abroad to study rhetoric and philosophy, mostly to one of several Greek schools in Athens. The curriculum in the East was more likely to include music and physical training along with literacy and numeracy.[597] On the Hellenistic model, Vespasian endowed chairs of grammar, Latin and Greek rhetoric, and philosophy at Rome, and gave teachers special exemptions from taxes and legal penalties, though primary schoolmasters did not receive these benefits. Quintilian held the first chair of grammar.[598][599] In the eastern empire, Berytus (present-day Beirut) was unusual in offering a Latin education, and became famous for its school of Roman law.[600] The cultural movement known as the Second Sophistic (1st–3rd century AD) promoted the assimilation of Greek and Roman social, educational, and esthetic values, and the Greek proclivities for which Nero had been criticized were regarded from the time of Hadrian onward as integral to Imperial culture.[601]
Educated women
Literate women ranged from cultured aristocrats to girls trained to be calligraphers and scribes.[602][603] The "girlfriends" addressed in Augustan love poetry, although fictional, represent an ideal that a desirable woman should be educated, well-versed in the arts, and independent to a frustrating degree.[604][605] Education seems to have been standard for daughters of the senatorial and equestrian orders during the Empire.[579] A highly educated wife was an asset for the socially ambitious household, but one that Martial regards as an unnecessary luxury.[602]
The woman who achieved the greatest prominence in the ancient world for her learning was Hypatia of Alexandria, who educated young men in mathematics, philosophy, and astronomy, and advised the Roman prefect of Egypt on politics. Her influence put her into conflict with the bishop of Alexandria, Cyril, who may have been implicated in her violent death in 415 at the hands of a Christian mob.[606]
Shape of literacy
Literacy began to decline, perhaps dramatically, during the socio-political Crisis of the Third Century.[607] After the Christianization of the Roman Empire the Christians and Church Fathers adopted and used Latin and Greek pagan literature, philosophy and natural science with a vengeance to biblical interpretation.[608]
Edward Grant writes that:
With the total triumph of Christianity at the end of the fourth century, the Church might have reacted against Greek pagan learning in general, and Greek philosophy in particular, finding much in the latter that was unacceptable or perhaps even offensive. They might have launched a major effort to suppress pagan learning as a danger to the Church and its doctrines.
But they did not. Why not?
Perhaps it was in the slow dissemination of Christianity. After four centuries as members of a distinct religion, Christians had learned to live with Greek secular learning and to utilize it for their own benefit. Their education was heavily infiltrated by Latin and Greek pagan literature and philosophy... Although Christians found certain aspects of pagan culture and learning unacceptable, they did not view them as a cancer to be cut out of the Christian body.[609]
Julian, the only emperor after the conversion of Constantine to reject Christianity, banned Christians from teaching the Classical curriculum, on the grounds that they might corrupt the minds of youth.[599]
While the book roll had emphasized the continuity of the text, the codex format encouraged a "piecemeal" approach to reading by means of citation, fragmented interpretation, and the extraction of maxims.[610]
In the 5th and 6th centuries, due to the gradual decline and fall of the Western Roman Empire, reading became rarer even for those within the Church hierarchy.[611] However, in the Eastern Roman Empire, also known as Byzantine Empire, reading continued throughout the Middle Ages as reading was of primary importance as an instrument of the Byzantine civilization.[612]
Literature
In the traditional literary canon, literature under Augustus, along with that of the late Republic, has been viewed as the "Golden Age" of Latin literature, embodying the classical ideals of "unity of the whole, the proportion of the parts, and the careful articulation of an apparently seamless composition."[613] The three most influential Classical Latin poets—Virgil, Horace, and Ovid—belong to this period. Virgil wrote the Aeneid, creating a national epic for Rome in the manner of the Homeric epics of Greece. Horace perfected the use of Greek lyric metres in Latin verse. Ovid's erotic poetry was enormously popular, but ran afoul of the Augustan moral programme; it was one of the ostensible causes for which the emperor exiled him to Tomis (present-day Constanța, Romania), where he remained to the end of his life. Ovid's Metamorphoses was a continuous poem of fifteen books weaving together Greco-Roman mythology from the creation of the universe to the deification of Julius Caesar. Ovid's versions of Greek myths became one of the primary sources of later classical mythology, and his work was so influential in the Middle Ages that the 12th and 13th centuries have been called the "Age of Ovid."[614]
The principal Latin prose author of the Augustan age is the historian Livy, whose account of Rome's founding and early history became the most familiar version in modern-era literature. Vitruvius's book De Architectura, the only complete work on architecture to survive from antiquity, also belongs to this period.
Latin writers were immersed in the Greek literary tradition, and adapted its forms and much of its content, but Romans regarded satire as a genre in which they surpassed the Greeks. Horace wrote verse satires before fashioning himself as an Augustan court poet, and the early Principate also produced the satirists Persius and Juvenal. The poetry of Juvenal offers a lively curmudgeon's perspective on urban society.
The period from the mid-1st century through the mid-2nd century has conventionally been called the "Silver Age" of Latin literature. Under Nero, disillusioned writers reacted to Augustanism.[615] The three leading writers—Seneca the philosopher, dramatist, and tutor of Nero; Lucan, his nephew, who turned Caesar's civil war into an epic poem; and the novelist Petronius (Satyricon)—all committed suicide after incurring the emperor's displeasure. Seneca and Lucan were from Hispania, as was the later epigrammatist and keen social observer Martial, who expressed his pride in his Celtiberian heritage.[83] Martial and the epic poet Statius, whose poetry collection Silvae had a far-reaching influence on Renaissance literature,[616] wrote during the reign of Domitian.
The so-called "Silver Age" produced several distinguished writers, including the encyclopedist Pliny the Elder; his nephew, known as Pliny the Younger; and the historian Tacitus. The Natural History of the elder Pliny, who died during disaster relief efforts in the wake of the eruption of Vesuvius, is a vast collection on flora and fauna, gems and minerals, climate, medicine, freaks of nature, works of art, and antiquarian lore. Tacitus's reputation as a literary artist matches or exceeds his value as a historian;[617] his stylistic experimentation produced "one of the most powerful of Latin prose styles."[618] The Twelve Caesars by his contemporary Suetonius is one of the primary sources for imperial biography.
Among Imperial historians who wrote in Greek are Dionysius of Halicarnassus, the Jewish historian Josephus, and the senator Cassius Dio. Other major Greek authors of the Empire include the biographer and antiquarian Plutarch, the geographer Strabo, and the rhetorician and satirist Lucian. Popular Greek romance novels were part of the development of long-form fiction works, represented in Latin by the Satyricon of Petronius and The Golden Ass of Apuleius.
From the 2nd to the 4th centuries, the Christian authors who would become the Latin Church Fathers were in active dialogue with the Classical tradition, within which they had been educated. Tertullian, a convert to Christianity from Roman Africa, was the contemporary of Apuleius and one of the earliest prose authors to establish a distinctly Christian voice. After the conversion of Constantine, Latin literature is dominated by the Christian perspective.[619] When the orator Symmachus argued for the preservation of Rome's religious traditions, he was effectively opposed by Ambrose, the bishop of Milan and future saint—a debate preserved by their missives.[620]
In the late 4th century, Jerome produced the Latin translation of the Bible that became authoritative as the Vulgate. Augustine, another of the Church Fathers from the province of Africa, has been called "one of the most influential writers of western culture", and his Confessions is sometimes considered the first autobiography of Western literature. In The City of God against the Pagans, Augustine builds a vision of an eternal, spiritual Rome, a new imperium sine fine that will outlast the collapsing Empire.
In contrast to the unity of Classical Latin, the literary esthetic of late antiquity has a tessellated quality that has been compared to the mosaics characteristic of the period.[621] A continuing interest in the religious traditions of Rome prior to Christian dominion is found into the 5th century, with the Saturnalia of Macrobius and The Marriage of Philology and Mercury of Martianus Capella. Prominent Latin poets of late antiquity include Ausonius, Prudentius, Claudian, and Sidonius Apollinaris. Ausonius (d. ca. 394), the Bordelaise tutor of the emperor Gratian, was at least nominally a Christian, though, throughout his occasionally obscene mixed-genre poems, he retains a literary interest in the Greco-Roman gods and even druidism. The imperial panegyrist Claudian (d. 404) was a vir illustris who appears never to have converted. Prudentius (d. ca. 413), born in Hispania Tarraconensis and a fervent Christian, was thoroughly versed in the poets of the Classical tradition,[622] and transforms their vision of poetry as a monument of immortality into an expression of the poet's quest for eternal life culminating in Christian salvation.[623] Sidonius (d. 486), a native of Lugdunum, was a Roman senator and bishop of Clermont who cultivated a traditional villa lifestyle as he watched the Western empire succumb to barbarian incursions. His poetry and collected letters offer a unique view of life in late Roman Gaul from the perspective of a man who "survived the end of his world".[621][624]
Religion
Religion in the Roman Empire encompassed the practices and beliefs the Romans regarded as their own, as well as the many cults imported to Rome or practiced by peoples throughout the provinces. The Romans thought of themselves as highly religious, and attributed their success as a world power to their collective piety (pietas) in maintaining good relations with the gods (pax deorum). The archaic religion believed to have been handed down from the earliest kings of Rome was the foundation of the mos maiorum, "the way of the ancestors" or "tradition", viewed as central to Roman identity. There was no principle analogous to "separation of church and state". The priesthoods of the state religion were filled from the same social pool of men who held public office, and in the Imperial era, the Pontifex Maximus was the emperor.
Roman religion was practical and contractual, based on the principle of do ut des, "I give that you might give." Religion depended on knowledge and the correct practice of prayer, ritual, and sacrifice, not on faith or dogma, although Latin literature preserves learned speculation on the nature of the divine and its relation to human affairs. For ordinary Romans, religion was a part of daily life.[625] Each home had a household shrine at which prayers and libations to the family's domestic deities were offered. Neighbourhood shrines and sacred places such as springs and groves dotted the city. Apuleius (2nd century) described the everyday quality of religion in observing how people who passed a cult place might make a vow or a fruit offering, or merely sit for a while.[626][627] The Roman calendar was structured around religious observances. In the Imperial era, as many as 135 days of the year were devoted to religious festivals and games (ludi).[628] Women, slaves, and children all participated in a range of religious activities.
In the wake of the Republic's collapse, state religion had adapted to support the new regime of the emperors. As the first Roman emperor, Augustus justified the novelty of one-man rule with a vast programme of religious revivalism and reform. Public vows formerly made for the security of the republic now were directed at the wellbeing of the emperor. So-called "emperor worship" expanded on a grand scale the traditional Roman veneration of the ancestral dead and of the Genius, the divine tutelary of every individual. Upon death, an emperor could be made a state divinity (divus) by vote of the Senate. Imperial cult, influenced by Hellenistic ruler cult, became one of the major ways Rome advertised its presence in the provinces and cultivated shared cultural identity and loyalty throughout the Empire. Cultural precedent in the Eastern provinces facilitated a rapid dissemination of Imperial cult, extending as far as the Augustan military settlement at Najran, in present-day Saudi Arabia.[629] Rejection of the state religion became tantamount to treason against the emperor. This was the context for Rome's conflict with Christianity, which Romans variously regarded as a form of atheism and novel superstitio.
The Romans are known for the great number of deities they honoured, a capacity that earned the mockery of early Christian polemicists.[n 21] As the Romans extended their dominance throughout the Mediterranean world, their policy, in general, was to absorb the deities and cults of other peoples rather than try to eradicate them.[n 22] One way that Rome promoted stability among diverse peoples was by supporting their religious heritage, building temples to local deities that framed their theology within the hierarchy of Roman religion. Inscriptions throughout the Empire record the side-by-side worship of local and Roman deities, including dedications made by Romans to local gods.[625][630][631][632] By the height of the Empire, numerous cults of pseudo-foreign gods (Roman reinventions of foreign gods) were cultivated at Rome and in the provinces, among them cults of Cybele, Isis, Epona, and of solar gods such as Mithras and Sol Invictus, found as far north as Roman Britain. Because Romans had never been obligated to cultivate one god or one cult only, religious tolerance was not an issue in the sense that it is for competing monotheistic systems.[633]
Mystery religions, which offered initiates salvation in the afterlife, were a matter of personal choice for an individual, practiced in addition to carrying on one's family rites and participating in public religion. The mysteries, however, involved exclusive oaths and secrecy, conditions that conservative Romans viewed with suspicion as characteristic of "magic", conspiracy (coniuratio), and subversive activity. Sporadic and sometimes brutal attempts were made to suppress religionists who seemed to threaten traditional morality and unity. In Gaul, the power of the druids was checked, first by forbidding Roman citizens to belong to the order, and then by banning druidism altogether. At the same time, however, Celtic traditions were reinterpreted (interpretatio romana) within the context of Imperial theology, and a new Gallo-Roman religion coalesced, with its capital at the Sanctuary of the Three Gauls in Lugdunum (present-day Lyon, France). The sanctuary established precedent for Western cult as a form of Roman-provincial identity.[634]
The monotheistic rigour of Judaism posed difficulties for Roman policy that led at times to compromise and the granting of special exemptions. Tertullian noted that the Jewish religion, unlike that of the Christians, was considered a religio licita, "legitimate religion." Wars between the Romans and the Jews occurred when conflict, political as well as religious, became intractable. When Caligula wanted to place a golden statue of his deified self in the Temple in Jerusalem, the potential sacrilege and likely war were prevented only by his timely death.[635] The Siege of Jerusalem in 70 AD led to the sacking of the temple and the dispersal of Jewish political power (see Jewish diaspora).
Christianity emerged in Roman Judea as a Jewish religious sect in the 1st century AD. The religion gradually spread out of Jerusalem, initially establishing major bases in first Antioch, then Alexandria, and over time throughout the Empire as well as beyond. Imperially authorized persecutions were limited and sporadic, with martyrdoms occurring most often under the authority of local officials.[636][637][638][639][640][641]
The first persecution by an emperor occurred under Nero, and was confined to the city of Rome. Tacitus reports that after the Great Fire of Rome in AD 64, some among the population held Nero responsible and that the emperor attempted to deflect blame onto the Christians.[642] After Nero, a major persecution occurred under the emperor Domitian[643][644] and a persecution in 177 took place at Lugdunum, the Gallo-Roman religious capital. A surviving letter from Pliny the Younger, governor of Bithynia, to the emperor Trajan describes his persecution and executions of Christians.[645] The Decian persecution of 246–251 was a serious threat to the Church, but ultimately strengthened Christian defiance.[646] Diocletian undertook what was to be the most severe persecution of Christians, lasting from 303 to 311.
In the early 4th century, Constantine I became the first emperor to convert to Christianity. During the rest of the fourth century, Christianity became the dominant religion of the Empire. The emperor Julian, under the influence of his adviser Mardonius made a short-lived attempt to revive traditional and Hellenistic religion and to affirm the special status of Judaism, but in 380 (Edict of Thessalonica), under Theodosius I Christianity became the official state church of the Roman Empire, to the exclusion of all others. From the 2nd century onward, the Church Fathers had begun to condemn the diverse religions practiced throughout the Empire collectively as "pagan."[647] Pleas for religious tolerance from traditionalists such as the senator Symmachus (d. 402) were rejected by the efforts of Pope Damasus I and Ambrose – Roman administrator turned bishop of Milan (374-397); Christian monotheism became a feature of Imperial domination. Christian heretics as well as non-Christians were subject to exclusion from public life or persecution, but Rome's original religious hierarchy and many aspects of its ritual influenced Christian forms,[648][649] and many pre-Christian beliefs and practices survived in Christian festivals and local traditions.
A Roman priest, his head ritually covered with a fold of his toga, extends a patera in a gesture of libation (2nd–3rd century)
Statuettes representing Roman and Gallic deities, for personal devotion at private shrines
The Pompeii Lakshmi, an ivory statuette from the Indian subcontinent found in the ruins of Pompeii
Relief from the Arch of Titus in Rome depicting a menorah and other spoils from the Temple of Jerusalem carried in Roman triumph.
This funerary stele from the 3rd century is among the earliest Christian inscriptions, written in both Greek and Latin: the abbreviation D.M. at the top refers to the Di Manes, the traditional Roman spirits of the dead, but accompanies Christian fish symbolism.
Political legacy
Several states claimed to be the Roman Empire's successors after the fall of the Western Roman Empire. The Holy Roman Empire, an attempt to resurrect the Empire in the West, was established in 800 when Pope Leo III crowned Frankish King Charlemagne as Roman emperor on Christmas Day, though the empire and the imperial office did not become formalized for some decades. After the fall of Constantinople, the Russian Tsardom, as inheritor of the Byzantine Empire's Orthodox Christian tradition, counted itself the Third Rome (Constantinople having been the second). These concepts are known as Translatio imperii.[650]
When the Ottomans, who based their state on the Byzantine model, took Constantinople in 1453, Mehmed II established his capital there and claimed to sit on the throne of the Roman Empire.[651] He even launched an invasion of Otranto, located in Southern Italy, with the purpose of re-uniting the Empire, which was aborted by his death. Mehmed II also invited European artists to his capital, including Gentile Bellini.[652][653]
In the medieval West, "Roman" came to mean the church and the Pope of Rome. The Greek form Romaioi remained attached to the Greek-speaking Christian population of the Eastern Roman Empire and is still used by Greeks in addition to their common appellation.[654]
The Roman Empire's territorial legacy of controlling the Italian peninsula would influence Italian nationalism and the unification of Italy (Risorgimento) in 1861.[655] Further Roman imperialism was claimed by fascist ideology, particularly by the Italian Empire and Nazi Germany.
In the United States, the founders were educated in the classical tradition,[656] and used classical models for landmarks and buildings in Washington, D.C., to avoid the feudal and religious connotations of European architecture such as castles and cathedrals.[657][658][659][660][661][662][663] In forming their theory of the mixed constitution, the founders looked to Athenian democracy and Roman republicanism for models, but regarded the Roman emperor as a figure of tyranny.[664][665]
See also
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- Outline of ancient Rome
- Fall of the Western Roman Empire
- List of Roman dynasties
- Daqin ("Great Qin"), the ancient Chinese name for the Roman Empire; see also Sino-Roman relations
- Imperial Italy
Notes
- ^ Other ways of referring to the "Roman Empire" among the Romans and Greeks themselves included Res publica Romana or Imperium Romanorum (also in Greek: Βασιλεία τῶν Ῥωμαίων – Basileía tôn Rhōmaíōn – ["Dominion (literally 'kingdom' but also interpreted as 'empire') of the Romans"]) and Romania. Res publica means Roman "commonwealth" and can refer to both the Republican and the Imperial eras. Imperium Romanum (or "Romanorum") refers to the territorial extent of Roman authority. Populus Romanus ("the Roman people") was/is often used to indicate the Roman state in matters involving other nations. The term Romania, initially a colloquial term for the empire's territory as well as a collective name for its inhabitants, appears in Greek and Latin sources from the 4th century onward and was eventually carried over to the Eastern Roman Empire (see R. L. Wolff, "Romania: The Latin Empire of Constantinople" in Speculum 23 (1948), pp. 1–34 and especially pp. 2–3).
- ^ Between 1204 and 1261 there was an interregnum when the empire was divided into the Empire of Nicaea, the Empire of Trebizond and the Despotate of Epirus – all contenders for rule of the empire. The Empire of Nicaea is considered[by whom?] the legitimate continuation of the Roman Empire because it managed to re-take Constantinople.
- ^ The final emperor to rule over all of the Roman Empire's territories before its conversion to a diarchy.
- ^ Officially the final emperor of the Western empire.
- ^ Final ruler to be universally recognized as Roman emperor, including by the surviving empire in the East, the Papacy, and by kingdoms in Western Europe.
- ^ Last emperor of the Eastern (Byzantine) empire.
- ^ Abbreviated "HS". Prices and values are usually expressed in sesterces; see #Currency and banking for currency denominations by period.
- ^ The Ottomans sometimes called their state the "Empire of Rûm" (Ottoman Turkish: دولت علنإه روم, lit. 'Exalted State of Rome'). In this sense, it could be argued that a "Roman" Empire survived until the early 20th century. See the following: Roy, Kaushik (2014). Military Transition in Early Modern Asia, 1400-1750: Cavalry, Guns, Government and Ships. Bloomsbury Studies in Military History. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. p. 37. ISBN 978-1-78093-800-4. Retrieved 4 January 2020.
After the capture of Constantinople, the capital of the Byzantine Empire became the capital of the Ottoman Empire. The Osmanli Turks called their empire the Empire of Rum (Rome).
) - ^ Prudentius (348–413) in particular Christianizes the theme in his poetry, as noted by Marc Mastrangelo, The Roman Self in Late Antiquity: Prudentius and the Poetics of the Soul (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), pp. 73, 203. St. Augustine, however, distinguished between the secular and eternal "Rome" in The City of God. See also J. Rufus Fears, "The Cult of Jupiter and Roman Imperial Ideology," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.17.1 (1981), p. 136, on how Classical Roman ideology influenced Christian Imperial doctrine; Bang, Peter Fibiger (2011) "The King of Kings: Universal Hegemony, Imperial Power, and a New Comparative History of Rome," in The Roman Empire in Context: Historical and Comparative Perspectives. John Wiley & Sons; and the Greek concept of globalism (oikouménē).
- ^ The civis ("citizen") stands in explicit contrast to a peregrina, a foreign or non-Roman woman: A.N. Sherwin-White (1979) Roman Citizenship. Oxford University Press. pp. 211 and 268; Frier, pp. 31–32, 457. In the form of legal marriage called conubium, the father's legal status determined the child's, but conubium required that both spouses be free citizens. A soldier, for instance, was banned from marrying while in service, but if he formed a long-term union with a local woman while stationed in the provinces, he could marry her legally after he was discharged, and any children they had would be considered the offspring of citizens—in effect granting the woman retroactive citizenship. The ban was in place from the time of Augustus until it was rescinded by Septimius Severus in 197 AD. See Sara Elise Phang, The Marriage of Roman Soldiers (13 B.C.–A.D. 235): Law and Family in the Imperial Army (Brill, 2001), p. 2, and Pat Southern, The Roman Army: A Social and Institutional History (Oxford University Press, 2006), p. 144.
- ^ That is, a double standard was in place: a married woman could have sex only with her husband, but a married man did not commit adultery if he had sex with a prostitute, slave, or person of marginalized status. See McGinn, Thomas A. J. (1991). "Concubinage and the Lex Iulia on Adultery". Transactions of the American Philological Association. 121: 335–375 (342). doi:10.2307/284457. JSTOR 284457.; Martha C. Nussbaum (2002) "The Incomplete Feminism of Musonius Rufus, Platonist, Stoic, and Roman," in The Sleep of Reason: Erotic Experience and Sexual Ethics in Ancient Greece and Rome. University of Chicago Press. p. 305, noting that custom "allowed much latitude for personal negotiation and gradual social change"; Elaine Fantham, "Stuprum: Public Attitudes and Penalties for Sexual Offences in Republican Rome," in Roman Readings: Roman Response to Greek Literature from Plautus to Statius and Quintilian (Walter de Gruyter, 2011), p. 124, citing Papinian, De adulteriis I and Modestinus, Liber Regularum I. Eva Cantarella, Bisexuality in the Ancient World (Yale University Press, 1992, 2002, originally published 1988 in Italian), p. 104; Edwards, pp. 34–35.
- ^ The relation of the equestrian order to the "public horse" and Roman cavalry parades and demonstrations (such as the Lusus Troiae) is complex, but those who participated in the latter seem, for instance, to have been the equites who were accorded the high-status (and quite limited) seating at the theatre by the Lex Roscia theatralis. Senators could not possess the "public horse." See Wiseman, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Ancient Gades, in Roman Spain, and Patavium, in the Celtic north of Italy, were atypically wealthy cities, and having 500 equestrians in one city was unusual. Strabo 3.169, 5.213
- ^ Vout, p. 212. The college of centonarii is an elusive topic in scholarship, since they are also widely attested as urban firefighters; see Jinyu Liu (2009) Collegia Centonariorum: The Guilds of Textile Dealers in the Roman West. Brill. Liu sees them as "primarily tradesmen and/or manufacturers engaged in the production and distribution of low- or medium-quality woolen textiles and clothing, including felt and its products."
- ^ Julius Caesar first applied the Latin word oppidum to this type of settlement, and even called Avaricum (Bourges, France), a center of the Bituriges, an urbs, "city." Archaeology indicates that oppida were centers of religion, trade (including import/export), and industrial production, walled for the purposes of defense, but they may not have been inhabited by concentrated populations year-round: see Harding, D.W. (2007) The Archaeology of Celtic Art. Routledge. pp. 211–212. ISBN 113426464X; Collis, John (2000) "'Celtic' Oppida," in A Comparative Study of Thirty City-state Cultures. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab. pp. 229–238; Celtic Chiefdom, Celtic State: The Evolution of Complex Social Systems. Cambridge University Press, 1995, 1999, p. 61.
- ^ Such as the Consualia and the October Horse sacrifice: Humphrey, pp. 544, 558; Auguste Bouché-Leclercq, Manuel des Institutions Romaines (Hachette, 1886), p. 549; "Purificazione," in Thesaurus Cultus et Rituum Antiquorum (LIMC, 2004), p. 83.
- ^ Scholars are divided in their relative emphasis on the athletic and dance elements of these exercises: Lee, H. (1984). "Athletics and the Bikini Girls from Piazza Armerina". Stadion. 10: 45–75. sees them as gymnasts, while M. Torelli, "Piazza Armerina: Note di iconologia", in La Villa romana del Casale di Piazza Armerina, edited by G. Rizza (Catania, 1988), p. 152, thinks they are dancers at the games.
- ^ By Michael Rostovtzeff, as noted by Robin M. Jensen (1999) "The Dura-Europos Synagogue, Early-Christian Art and Religious Life in Dura Europos," in Jews, Christians and Polytheists in the Ancient Synagogue: Cultural Interaction during the Greco-Roman Period. Routledge. p. 154.
- ^ Political slogans and obscenities are widely preserved as graffiti in Pompeii: Antonio Varone, Erotica Pompeiana: Love Inscriptions on the Walls of Pompeii ("L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 2002). Soldiers sometimes inscribed sling bullets with aggressive messages: Phang, "Military Documents, Languages, and Literacy," p. 300.
- ^ Bloomer, W. Martin (2011) The School of Rome: Latin Studies and the Origins of Liberal Education (University of California Press, 2011), pp. 93–99; Morgan, Literate Education in the Hellenistic and Roman Worlds, p. 250. Quintilian uses the metaphor acuere ingenium, "to sharpen talent," as well as agricultural metaphors.
- ^ For an overview of the representation of Roman religion in early Christian authors, see R.P.C. Hanson, "The Christian Attitude to Pagan Religions up to the Time of Constantine the Great," and Carlos A. Contreras, "Christian Views of Paganism," in Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.23.1 (1980) 871–1022.
- ^ "This mentality," notes John T. Koch, "lay at the core of the genius of cultural assimilation which made the Roman Empire possible"; entry on "Interpretatio romana," in Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia (ABC-Clio, 2006), p. 974.
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Odoacer, who dethroned the last Roman emperor Romulus Augustulus in 476, neither used the imperial insignia nor the colour purple, which was used by the emperor in Byzantium only.
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The patrician Orestes had married the daughter of Count Romulus, of Petovio in Noricum: the name of Augustus, notwithstanding the jealousy of power, was known at Aquileia as a familiar surname; and the appellations of the two great founders, of the city and of the monarchy, were thus strangely united in the last of their successors.", "The life of this inoffensive youth was spared by the generous clemency of Odoacer; who dismissed him, with his whole family, from the Imperial palace
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The republic (they repeat that name without a blush) might safely confide in the civil and military virtues of Odoacer; and they humbly request, that the emperor would invest him with the title of Patrician, and the administration of the diocese of Italy."", "His vanity was gratified by the title of sole emperor, and by the statues erected to his honor in the several quarters of Rome; "he entertained a friendly, though ambiguous, correspondence with the patrician Odoacer; and he gratefully accepted the Imperial ensigns
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- ^ Adams, p. 184.
- ^ Adams, pp. 186–187.
- ^ Rochette, pp. 554, 556.
- ^ Rochette, p. 549
- ^ Freeman, Charles (1999) The Greek Achievement: The Foundation of the Western World. New York: Penguin. pp. 389–433.
- ^ Rochette, p. 549, citing Plutarch, Life of Alexander 47.6.
- ^ Millar, Fergus (2006) A Greek Roman Empire: Power and Belief under Theodosius II (408–450). University of California Press. p. 279. ISBN 0-520-94141-1.
- ^ a b c d Treadgold, Warren (1997) A History of the Byzantine State and Society. Stanford University Press. pp. 5–7. ISBN 0-8047-2630-2.
- ^ Rochette, p. 553.
- ^ Cicero, In Catilinam 2.15, P.Ryl. I 61 "recto".
- ^ Rochette, pp. 550–552.
- ^ a b Rochette, p. 552.
- ^ Suetonius, Life of Claudius 42.
- ^ Rochette, pp. 553–554.
- ^ Rochette, p. 556
- ^ Adams, p. 200.
- ^ Adams, pp. 185–186, 205.
- ^ Rochette, p. 560.
- ^ Rochette, pp. 562–563.
- ^ Rochette, pp. 558–559.
- ^ a b c Miles, Richard (2000) "Communicating Culture, Identity, and Power," in Experiencing Power: Culture, Identity and Power in the Roman Empire. Routledge. pp. 58–60. ISBN 0-415-21285-5.
- ^ Adams, p. 199.
- ^ Rochette, pp. 553–555.
- ^ Rochette, p. 550
- ^ Stefan Zimmer, "Indo-European," in Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia (ABC-Clio, 2006), p. 961
- ^ a b c Curchin, Leonard A. (1995). "Literacy in the Roman Provinces: Qualitative and Quantitative Data from Central Spain". The American Journal of Philology. 116 (3): 461–476 (464). doi:10.2307/295333. JSTOR 295333.
- ^ Sala, Marius; Posner, Rebecca. "Romance languages". Britannica. Britannica. Retrieved 11 February 2020.
By the beginning of the 21st century, some 920 million people claimed a Romance language as their mother tongue
- ^ Waquet, Françoise (2001) Latin, Or, The Empire of the Sign: From the Sixteenth to the Twentieth Century. Verso. pp. 1–2. ISBN 1-85984-402-2.
- ^ Jensen, Kristian (1996) "The Humanist Reform of Latin and Latin Teaching," in The Cambridge Companion to Renaissance Humanism. Cambridge University Press. pp. 63–64. ISBN 0-521-43624-9.
- ^ Bard, Kathryn A. (2005). Encyclopedia of the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. Routledge. pp. 252–254. ISBN 978-1-134-66525-9.
- ^ Bard, Kathryn A. (2015). An Introduction to the Archaeology of Ancient Egypt. John Wiley & Sons. p. 325. ISBN 978-0-470-67336-2.
- ^ Fine, John V. A.; Fine, John Van Antwerp (1991). The Early Medieval Balkans: A Critical Survey from the Sixth to the Late Twelfth Century. University of Michigan Press. pp. 10–11. ISBN 978-0-472-08149-3.
- ^ Digest 31.1.11; Lambert, La langue gauloise, p. 10.
- ^ a b Lambert, La langue gauloise, p. 10.
- ^ Adams, Bilingualism and the Latin Language, p. 192.
- ^ Jerome, commentary on the Letter to the Galatians; Lambert, La langue gauloise, p. 10.
- ^ a b c Laurence Hélix (2011). Histoire de la langue française. Ellipses Edition Marketing S.A. p. 7. ISBN 978-2-7298-6470-5.
Le déclin du Gaulois et sa disparition ne s'expliquent pas seulement par des pratiques culturelles spécifiques: Lorsque les Romains conduits par César envahirent la Gaule, au 1er siecle avant J.-C., celle-ci romanisa de manière progressive et profonde. Pendant près de 500 ans, la fameuse période gallo-romaine, le gaulois et le latin parlé coexistèrent; au VIe siècle encore; le temoignage de Grégoire de Tours atteste la survivance de la langue gauloise.
- ^ εἰ δὲ πάνυ ἐβιάζετο, Γαλατιστὶ ἐφθέγγετο. 'If he was forced to, he spoke in Galatian' (Vita S. Euthymii 55; after Eugenio Luján, 'The Galatian Place Names in Ptolemy', in: Javier de Hoz, Eugenio R. Luján, Patrick Sims-Williams (eds.), New Approaches to Celtic Place-Names in Ptolemy's Geography, Madrid: Ediciones Clásicas 2005, 264).
- ^ Hist. Franc., book I, 32 Veniens vero Arvernos, delubrum illud, quod Gallica lingua Vasso Galatæ vocant, incendit, diruit, atque subvertit. And coming to Clermont [to the Arverni] he set on fire, overthrew and destroyed that shrine which they call Vasso Galatæ in the Gallic tongue,
- ^ a b c Matasovic, Ranko (2007). "Insular Celtic as a Language Area". Papers from the Workship within the Framework of the XIII International Congress of Celtic Studies. The Celtic Languages in Contact: 106.
- ^ a b Savignac, Jean-Paul (2004). Dictionnaire Français-Gaulois. Paris: La Différence. p. 26.
- ^ Henri Guiter, "Sur le substrat gaulois dans la Romania", in Munus amicitae. Studia linguistica in honorem Witoldi Manczak septuagenarii, eds., Anna Bochnakowa & Stanislan Widlak, Krakow, 1995.
- ^ Eugeen Roegiest, Vers les sources des langues romanes: Un itinéraire linguistique à travers la Romania (Leuven, Belgium: Acco, 2006), 83.
- ^ Adams, J. N. (2007). "Chapter V – Regionalisms in provincial texts: Gaul". The Regional Diversification of Latin 200 BC – AD 600. Cambridge. pp. 279–289. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511482977. ISBN 978-0-511-48297-7.
- ^ Peachin, p. 12.
- ^ Peachin, p. 16.
- ^ Peachin, p. 9.
- ^ a b c d e f g Garnsey, Peter and Saller, Richard (1987) The Roman Empire: Economy, Society and Culture. University of California Press. pp. 107–111.
- ^ Noreña, Carlos F. (2011) Imperial Ideals in the Roman West: Representation, Circulation, Power. Cambridge University Press. p. 7.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 4–5.
- ^ Winterling, pp. 11, 21.
- ^ Saller, Richard P. (1982, 2002) Personal Patronage under the Early Empire. Cambridge University Press. pp. 123, 176, 183
- ^ Duncan, Anne (2006) Performance and Identity in the Classical World. Cambridge University Press. p. 164.
- ^ Reinhold, Meyer (2002) Studies in Classical History and Society. Oxford University Press. p. 25ff. and 42.
- ^ Boardman, p. 18.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 17, 20.
- ^ Millar, pp. 81–82
- ^ Carroll, Maureen (2006) Spirits of the Dead: Roman Funerary Commemoration in Western Europe. Oxford University Press. pp. 45–46.
- ^ Frier, p. 14
- ^ Gaius, Institutiones 1.9 = Digest 1.5.3.
- ^ Frier, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 177.
- ^ Rawson (1987), p. 18.
- ^ Frier, pp. 19–20.
- ^ Eva Cantarella, Pandora's Daughters: The Role and Status of Women in Greek and Roman Antiquity (Johns Hopkins University Press, 1987), pp. 140–141
- ^ Sullivan, J.P. (1979). "Martial's Sexual Attitudes". Philologus. 123 (1–2): 296. doi:10.1524/phil.1979.123.12.288. S2CID 163347317.
- ^ Rawson (1987), p. 15.
- ^ Frier, pp. 19–20, 22.
- ^ Treggiari, Susan (1991) Roman Marriage: Iusti Coniuges from the Time of Cicero to the Time of Ulpian. Oxford University Press. pp. 258–259, 500–502. ISBN 0-19-814939-5.
- ^ Johnston, David (1999) Roman Law in Context. Cambridge University Press. Ch. 3.3
- ^ Frier, Ch. IV
- ^ Thomas, Yan (1991) "The Division of the Sexes in Roman Law," in A History of Women from Ancient Goddesses to Christian Saints. Harvard University Press. p. 134.
- ^ Severy, Beth (2002) Augustus and the Family at the Birth of the Empire. Routledge. p. 12. ISBN 1-134-39183-8.
- ^ Severy, Beth (2002) Augustus and the Family at the Birth of the Empire. Routledge. p. 4. ISBN 1134391838.
- ^ Frier, p. 461
- ^ Boardman, p. 733.
- ^ Woodhull, Margaret L. (2004) "Matronly Patrons in the Early Roman Empire: The Case of Salvia Postuma," in Women's Influence on Classical Civilization. Routledge. p. 77.
- ^ Bradley, p. 12.
- ^ The others are ancient Athens, and in the modern era Brazil, the Caribbean, and the United States; Bradley, p. 12.
- ^ Bradley, p. 15.
- ^ a b Harris, W. V. (1999). "Demography, Geography and the Sources of Roman Slaves". The Journal of Roman Studies. 89: 62–75. doi:10.2307/300734. JSTOR 300734.
- ^ Taylor, Timothy (2010). "Believing the ancients: Quantitative and qualitative dimensions of slavery and the slave trade in later prehistoric Eurasia". World Archaeology. 33 (1): 27–43. arXiv:0706.4406. doi:10.1080/00438240120047618. JSTOR 827887. S2CID 162250553.
- ^ Harper, Kyle (2011) Slavery in the Late Roman World, AD 275–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 10–16.
- ^ Frier, p. 7.
- ^ McGinn, Thomas A.J. (1998) Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. p. 314. ISBN 0-19-516132-7.
- ^ Gardner, Jane F. (1991) Women in Roman Law and Society. Indiana University Press. p. 119.
- ^ Frier, pp. 31, 33.
- ^ Fuhrmann, C. J. (2012) Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press. pp. 21–41. ISBN 0-19-973784-3.
- ^ Frier, p. 21.
- ^ Gamauf, Richard (2009). "Slaves doing business: The role of Roman law in the economy of a Roman household". European Review of History. 16 (3): 331–346. doi:10.1080/13507480902916837. S2CID 145609520.
- ^ Bradley, pp. 2–3.
- ^ McGinn, Thomas A.J. (1998) Prostitution, Sexuality and the Law in Ancient Rome. Oxford University Press. p. 288ff. ISBN 0195161327.
- ^ Abusch, Ra'anan (2003) "Circumcision and Castration under Roman Law in the Early Empire," in The Covenant of Circumcision: New Perspectives on an Ancient Jewish Rite. Brandeis University Press. pp. 77–78
- ^ Schäfer, Peter (1983, 2003) The History of the Jews in the Greco-Roman World. Routledge. p. 150.
- ^ Frier, p. 15
- ^ Goodwin, Stefan (2009). Africa in Europe: Antiquity into the Age of Global Expansion. Lexington Books. Vol. 1, p. 41, ISBN 0739117262, noting that "Roman slavery was a nonracist and fluid system".
- ^ Santosuosso, Antonio (2001) Storming the Heavens: Soldiers, Emperors and Civilians in the Roman Empire, Westview Press. pp. 43–44. ISBN 0-8133-3523-X.
- ^ Noy, David (2000). Foreigners at Rome: Citizens and Strangers. Duckworth with the Classical Press of Wales. ISBN 9780715629529.
- ^ Harper, James (1972). "Slaves and Freedmen in Imperial Rome". American Journal of Philology. 93 (2): 341–342. doi:10.2307/293259. JSTOR 293259.
- ^ Rawson (1987), pp. 186–188, 190
- ^ Bradley, pp. 34, 48–50.
- ^ Bradley, p. 10.
- ^ Millar, Fergus (1998, 2002) The Crowd in Rome in the Late Republic. University of Michigan. pp. 23, 209. ISBN 0-472-08878-5.
- ^ Mouritsen, Henrik (2011) The Freedman in the Roman World. Cambridge University Press. p. 36
- ^ a b Berger, Adolf (1953, 1991). libertus in Encyclopedic Dictionary of Roman Law. American Philological Society. p. 564.
- ^ Boardman, pp. 217–218
- ^ Syme, Ronald (1999) Provincial at Rome: and Rome and the Balkans 80 BC – AD 14. University of Exeter Press. pp. 12–13. ISBN 0-85989-632-3.
- ^ Boardman, pp. 215, 221–222
- ^ Millar, p. 88. The standard complement of 600 was flexible; twenty quaestors, for instance, held office each year and were thus admitted to the Senate regardless of whether there were "open" seats.
- ^ a b Millar, p. 88.
- ^ Boardman, pp. 218–219.
- ^ His name was Tiberius Claudius Gordianus; Boardman, p. 219.
- ^ MacMullen, Ramsay (1966). "Provincial Languages in the Roman Empire". The American Journal of Philology. 87 (1): 1–17. doi:10.2307/292973. JSTOR 292973.
- ^ Wiseman, pp. 71–72, 76
- ^ Wiseman, pp. 75–76, 78.
- ^ Fear, Andrew (2007) "War and Society," in The Cambridge History of Greek and Roman Warfare: Rome from the Late Republic to the Late Empire. Cambridge University Press, vol. 2. pp. 214–215. ISBN 0-521-78274-0.
- ^ Bennett, Julian (1997). Trajan: Optimus Princeps : a Life and Times. Routledge. p. 5. ISBN 978-0-415-16524-2.
- ^ a b Morris, p. 188
- ^ Millar, pp. 87–88.
- ^ Millar, p. 96.
- ^ Liebeschuetz, Wolfgang (2001) "The End of the Ancient City," in The City in Late Antiquity. Taylor & Francis. pp. 26–27.
- ^ Millar, p. 90, calls them "status-appellations."
- ^ Millar, p. 91.
- ^ Millar, p. 90.
- ^ a b c Verboven, Koenraad (2007). "The Associative Order: Status and Ethos among Roman Businessmen in Late Republic and Early Empire". Athenaeum. 95: 870–72. hdl:1854/LU-395187.
- ^ a b c d Peachin, pp. 153–154
- ^ Perkins, Judith (2009) Early Christian and Judicial Bodies. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 245–246
- ^ Peachin, p. 475.
- ^ Gaughan, Judy E. (2010) Murder Was Not a Crime: Homicide and Power in the Roman Republic. University of Texas Press. p. 91. ISBN 0-292-72567-1.
- ^ Kelly, Gordon P. (2006) A History of Exile in the Roman Republic. Cambridge University Press. p. 8. ISBN 0-521-84860-1.
- ^ a b c d Coleman, K. M. (2012). "Fatal Charades: Roman Executions Staged as Mythological Enactments". Journal of Roman Studies. 80: 44–73. doi:10.2307/300280. JSTOR 300280.
- ^ Robinson, O.F. (2007) Penal Practice and Penal Policy in Ancient Rome. Routledge. p. 108.
- ^ Bohec, p. 8.
- ^ Bohec, pp. 14–15.
- ^ Plutarch, Moralia Moralia 813c and 814c
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 181–182
- ^ Luttwak, Edward (1976/1979) The Grand Strategy of the Roman Empire, Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 30. ISBN 0-8018-2158-4.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 184.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 181.
- ^ The imperial cult in Roman Britain-Google docs
- ^ Smith, William (1875). A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. London: John Murray. pp. 105–106. Retrieved 11 February 2020.
- ^ Abbott, p. 354
- ^ Abbott, p. 345
- ^ Abbott, p. 341
- ^ Millar, Fergus (2004) "Emperors at Work," in Rome, the Greek World, and the East: Government, Society, and Culture in the Roman Empire. University of North Carolina Press. Vol. 2. ISBN 0-8078-5520-0. pp. 3–22, especially pp. 4 and 20.
- ^ Boardman, p. 195ff.
- ^ Boardman, pp. 205–209.
- ^ Boardman, pp. 202–203, 205, 210.
- ^ Boardman, p. 211.
- ^ Boardman, p. 212.
- ^ Millar, p. 76.
- ^ a b Boardman, p. 215.
- ^ a b Winterling, p. 16.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2003, p. 80.
- ^ Edmondson, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Tignor, Robert; et al. (2011). Worlds Together, Worlds Apart: The History of the World (3 ed.). W.W. Norton & Company. p. 262. ISBN 9780393934922.
- ^ Hekster, Olivier J. (2007) "Fighting for Rome: The Emperor as a Military Leader," in Impact of the Roman Army (200 BC–AD 476). Brill. p. 96.
- ^ Bohec, p. 9.
- ^ Bohec, pp. 10–14.
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- ^ Goldsworthy 2003, p. 183.
- ^ a b Morris, p. 196.
- ^ Rome and Her Enemies published by Osprey, 2005, part 3: Early Empire 27BC–AD235, Ch. 9: The Romans, section: Remuneration, p. 183; ISBN 978-1-84603-336-0
- ^ Tacitus Annales IV.5
- ^ Goldsworthy 2003, p. 51.
- ^ Connolly, Peter (1986). "A Reconstruction of a Roman Saddle". Britannia. 17: 353–355. doi:10.2307/526559. JSTOR 526559.
- ^ Connolly, Peter; Van Driel-Murray, Carol (1991). "The Roman Cavalry Saddle". Britannia. 22: 33–50. doi:10.2307/526629. JSTOR 526629.
- ^ Goldsworthy 2003, p. 114.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 183.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 177–179. Most government records that are preserved come from Roman Egypt, where the climate preserved the papyri.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 179. The exclusion of Egypt from the senatorial provinces dates to the rise of Octavian before he became Augustus: Egypt had been the stronghold of his last opposition, Mark Antony and his ally Cleopatra.
- ^ a b c d Potter (2009), p. 180.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 179, 187.
- ^ Fuhrmann, C. J. (2012) Policing the Roman Empire: Soldiers, Administration, and Public Order. Oxford University Press. pp. 197, 214, 224. ISBN 0-19-973784-3.
- ^ a b Potter (2009), pp. 184–185.
- ^ Bozeman, Adda B. (2010) Politics and Culture in International History from the Ancient Near East to the Opening of the Modern Age. Transaction Publishers. 2nd ed.. pp. 208–20
- ^ This practice was established in the Republic; see for instance the case of Contrebian water rights heard by G. Valerius Flaccus as governor of Hispania in the 90s–80s BC.
- ^ Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma (2000) The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius and Rome. Cornell University Press. p. 53.
- ^ Morris, p. 183.
- ^ a b c d Potter (2009), p. 187.
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- ^ a b Potter (2009), p. 185
- ^ a b Potter (2009), p. 188.
- ^ a b Potter (2009), p. 186.
- ^ Cassius Dio 55.31.4.
- ^ Tacitus, Annales 13.31.2.
- ^ This was the vicesima libertatis, "the twentieth for freedom"; Potter (2009), p. 187.
- ^ An, Jiayao (2002). "When Glass Was Treasured in China". In Juliano, Annette L.; Lerner, Judith A. (eds.). Silk Road Studies VII: Nomads, Traders, and Holy Men Along China's Silk Road. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers. pp. 83–84. ISBN 978-2-503-52178-7.
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- ^ Potter (2009), p. 292.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 285–286, 296ff.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 296.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 286, 295.
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- ^ a b c d Harl, Kenneth W. (19 June 1996). Coinage in the Roman Economy, 300 B.C. to A.D. 700. JHU Press. pp. 125–135. ISBN 978-0-8018-5291-6.
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- ^ Colin Wells, The Roman Empire (Harvard University Press, 1984, 1992), p. 8.
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- ^ Scheidel, Walter (2009) "The Monetary Systems of the Han and Roman Empires", in: Scheidel, Walter, ed. Rome and China. Comparative Perspectives on Ancient World Empires. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-533690-0, pp. 137–207 (205).
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- ^ Tacitus, Annales 6.17.3.
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- ^ Bowersock, p. 579.
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- ^ Healy, John F. (1978) Mining and Metallurgy in the Greek and Roman World, Thames and Hudson, London, ISBN 0-500-40035-0. p. 196. Assumes a productive capacity of c. 1.5 kg per capita.
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- ^ Schnitter, Niklaus (1978). "Römische Talsperren". Antike Welt. 8 (2): 25–32 (28).
- ^ Chandler, Fiona (2001) The Usborne Internet Linked Encyclopedia of the Roman World. Usborne Publishing. p. 80.
- ^ Forman, Joan (1975) The Romans, Macdonald Educational Ltd. p. 34.
- ^ Crow, J. (2007) "Earth, walls and water in Late Antique Constantinople" in Technology in Transition AD 300–650 in ed. L.Lavan, E.Zanini & A. Sarantis Brill, Leiden
- ^ Greene, Kevin (1990). The Archaeology of the Roman Economy. University of California Press. p. 39. ISBN 978-0-520-07401-9.
- ^ Jones, R. F. J.; Bird, D. G. (2012). "Roman Gold-Mining in North-West Spain, II: Workings on the Rio Duerna". Journal of Roman Studies. 62: 59–74. doi:10.2307/298927. JSTOR 298927.
- ^ Ritti, Tullia; Grewe, Klaus; Kessener, Paul (2007). "A Relief of a Water-powered Stone Saw Mill on a Sarcophagus at Hierapolis and its Implications". Journal of Roman Archaeology. 20: 138–163 (156, fn. 74). doi:10.1017/S1047759400005341. S2CID 161937987.
- ^ a b Potter (2009), p. 192.
- ^ a b c Rehak, Paul (2006) Imperium and Cosmos: Augustus and the Northern Campus Martius. University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 4–8.
- ^ Stambaugh, p. 23ff. and 244
- ^ Raja, Rubina (2012) Urban Development and Regional Identity in the Eastern Roman Provinces 50 BC–AD 250. Museum Tusculanum Press. pp. 215–218
- ^ Sperber, Daniel (1998) The City in Roman Palestine. Oxford University Press.
- ^ Stambaugh, pp. 252–253
- ^ a b Longfellow, Brenda (2011) Roman Imperialism and Civic Patronage: Form, Meaning and Ideology in Monumental Fountain Complexes. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–2. ISBN 0521194938
- ^ Millar, p. 79.
- ^ Virgil, Aeneid 6.852
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 185–186.
- ^ Tertullian, De anima 30.3 (ubique domus, ubique populus, ubique respublica, ubique uita), as cited and framed in Potter (2009), p. 185.
- ^ Millar, p. 76ff.
- ^ Jones, Mark Wilson (2000) Principles of Roman Architecture. New Haven: Yale University Press.
- ^ Evans, Harry B. (1994) Water Distribution in Ancient Rome, University of Michigan Press. pp. 9–10.
- ^ Peachin, p. 366.
- ^ a b Fagan, Garrett G. (2001). "The Genesis of the Roman Public Bath: Recent Approaches and Future Directions" (PDF). American Journal of Archaeology. 105 (3): 403–426. doi:10.2307/507363. JSTOR 507363. S2CID 31943417. Archived from the original (PDF) on 24 February 2021. Retrieved 12 January 2017.
- ^ Ward, Roy Bowen (1992). "Women in Roman Baths". Harvard Theological Review. 85 (2): 125–147. doi:10.1017/S0017816000028820. JSTOR 1509900.
- ^ Clarke, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Clarke, pp. 11–12.
- ^ Clarke, p. 2.
- ^ Stambaugh, pp. 144, 147
- ^ Clarke, pp. 12, 17, 22ff.
- ^ Taylor, Rabun (2005). "Roman Oscilla: An Assessment". Res: Anthropology and Aesthetics. 48 (48): 83–105. doi:10.1086/RESv48n1ms20167679. JSTOR 20167679. S2CID 193568609.
- ^ Gazda, Elaine K. (1991) "Introduction", in Roman Art in the Private Sphere: Architecture and Décor of the Domus, Villa, and Insula. University of Michigan Press. p. 9. ISBN 047210196X.
- ^ a b Clarke, p. 19.
- ^ Jashemski, Wilhelmina Feemster; Meyer, Frederick G. (2002). The Natural History of Pompeii. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-80054-9.
- ^ Horace, Satire 2.6
- ^ Holzberg, Niklas (2002) The Ancient Fable: An Introduction. Indiana University Press. p. 35
- ^ Bovie, Smith Palmer (2002) Introduction to Horace. Satires and Epistles. University of Chicago Press. pp. 92–93.
- ^ a b c d e f g Morris, p. 191.
- ^ Boardman, p. 679.
- ^ Morris, pp. 195–196.
- ^ Morris, p. 191, reckoning that the surplus of wheat from the province of Egypt alone could meet and exceed the needs of the city of Rome and the provincial armies.
- ^ Wiseman, T. P. (2012). "The Census in the First Century B.C". Journal of Roman Studies. 59 (1/2): 59–75. doi:10.2307/299848. JSTOR 299848.
- ^ Keane, Catherine (2006) Figuring Genre in Roman Satire. Oxford University Press. p. 36
- ^ Köhne, Eckhart (2000) "Bread and Circuses: The Politics of Entertainment," in Gladiators and Caesars: The Power of Spectacle in Ancient Rome. University of California Press. p. 8.
- ^ Juvenal, Satire 10.77–81.
- ^ Holleran, pp. 136–137.
- ^ Stambaugh, pp. 144, 178
- ^ Hinds, Kathryn (2010) Everyday Life in the Roman Empire. Marshall Cavendish. p. 90.
- ^ Holleran, p. 136ff.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 299.
- ^ Faas, Patrick (1994, 2005) Around the Roman Table: Food and Feasting in Ancient Rome. University of Chicago Press. p. 29.
- ^ a b Boardman, p. 681.
- ^ Pliny the Elder, Natural History 19.83–84; Emily Gowers, The Loaded Table: Representation of Food in Roman Literature (Oxford University Press, 1993, 2003), p. 17
- ^ Gagarin, p. 198.
- ^ Stambaugh, p. 144.
- ^ Holleran, pp. 134–135.
- ^ Stambaugh, p. 146
- ^ Holleran, p. 134.
- ^ Grant, Mark (2000) Galen on Food and Diet. Routledge. pp. 7, 11.
- ^ a b Potter (2009), p. 354.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 356.
- ^ Roller, Matthew B. (2006) Dining Posture in Ancient Rome. Princeton University Press. p. 96ff.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 359.
- ^ Alcock, Joan P. (2006) Food in the Ancient World. Greenwood Press. p. 184.
- ^ Donahue, John (2004) The Roman Community at Table during the Principate. University of Michigan Press. p. 9.
- ^ Cathy K. Kaufman, "Remembrance of Meals Past: Cooking by Apicius' Book," in Food and the Memory: Proceedings of the Oxford Symposium on Food and Cooker p. 125ff.
- ^ Suetonius, Life of Vitellius 13.2; Gowers, The Loaded Table, p. 20.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 201.
- ^ Tacitus, Germania 23; Gowers, The Loaded Table, p. 18.
- ^ a b c Flandrin, Jean Louis; Montanari, Massimo (1999). Food: A Culinary History from Antiquity to the Present. Columbia University Press. pp. 165–167. ISBN 978-0-231-11154-6.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 365–366.
- ^ Bowersock, p. 455
- ^ Franklin, James L. Jr. (2001) Pompeis Difficile Est: Studies in the Political Life of Imperial Pompeii. University of Michigan Press. p. 137
- ^ Laurence, Ray (2007) Roman Pompeii: Space and Society. Routledge. p. 173; recounted by Tacitus, Annals 14.17.
- ^ Mary Beard, J.A. North, and S.R.F. Price, Religions of Rome: A History (Cambridge University Press, 1998), p. 66.
- ^ Dyson, p. 240.
- ^ Versnel, H.S. (1971) Triumphus: An Inquiry into the Origin, Development and Meaning of the Roman Triumph. Brill. pp. 96–97.
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 242.
- ^ Potter (1999), pp. 235–236.
- ^ Potter (1999), pp. 223–224.
- ^ a b Potter (1999), p. 303.
- ^ a b c Humphrey, pp. 1–3.
- ^ Edmondson, p. 112.
- ^ Dyson, pp. 237, 239.
- ^ Edmondson, pp. 73–74, 106
- ^ Auguet, p. 54
- ^ McClelland, John (2007) Body and Mind: Sport in Europe from the Roman Empire to the Renaissance. Routledge. p. 67.
- ^ a b c Dyson, pp. 238–239.
- ^ a b Gagarin, p. 85
- ^ Humphrey, p. 461
- ^ McClelland, John (2007) Body and Mind: Sport in Europe from the Roman Empire to the Renaissance. Routledge. p. 61.
- ^ Thomas Wiedemann, Emperors and Gladiators (Routledge, 1992, 1995), p. 15.
- ^ Humphrey, pp. 459, 461, 512, 630–631
- ^ Dyson, p. 237
- ^ Dyson, p. 238.
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 296
- ^ Humphrey, p. 238
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 299.
- ^ Humphrey, pp. 18–21
- ^ Gagarin, p. 84.
- ^ Auguet, pp. 131–132
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 237.
- ^ Auguet, p. 144
- ^ Dickie, Matthew (2001) Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World. Routledge. pp. 282–287
- ^ Eva D'Ambra (2007), "Racing with Death: Circus Sarcophagi and the Commemoration of Children in Roman Italy", in Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy (American School of Classical Studies at Athens), pp. 348–349
- ^ Rüpke, p. 289.
- ^ a b Edwards, p. 59
- ^ a b Potter (1999), p. 305.
- ^ Cassio Dio 54.2.2; Res Gestae Divi Augusti 22.1, 3
- ^ a b Edwards, p. 49
- ^ Edmondson, p. 70.
- ^ Cassius Dio 66.25
- ^ a b Edwards, p. 55
- ^ Edwards, p. 50.
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 307
- ^ McClelland, Body and Mind, p. 66, citing also Marcus Junkelmann.
- ^ Suetonius, Nero 12.2
- ^ Edmondson, p. 73.
- ^ Tertullian, De spectaculis 12
- ^ Edwards, pp. 59–60
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 224.
- ^ McDonald, Marianne and Walton, J. Michael (2007) Introduction to The Cambridge Companion to Greek and Roman Theatre. Cambridge University Press. p. 8.
- ^ Kyle, Donald G. (1998) Spectacles of Death in Ancient Rome. Routledge. p. 81
- ^ Edwards, p. 63.
- ^ Pliny, Panegyric 33.1
- ^ Edwards, p. 52.
- ^ Edwards, pp. 66–67, 72.
- ^ Edwards, p. 212.
- ^ Bowersock, G.W. (1995) Martyrdom and Rome. Cambridge University Press. pp. 25–26
- ^ Cavallo, p. 79
- ^ Gerlinde Huber-Rebenich (1999) "Hagiographic Fiction as Entertainment," in Latin Fiction: The Latin Novel in Context. Routledge. pp. 158–178
- ^ Llewelyn, S.R. and Nobbs, A.M. (2002) "The Earliest Dated Reference to Sunday in the Papyri," in New Documents Illustrating Early Christianity. Wm. B. Eerdmans. p. 109
- ^ Hildebrandt, Henrik (2006) "Early Christianity in Roman Pannonia—Fact or Fiction?" in Studia Patristica: Papers Presented at the Fourteenth International Conference on Patristic Studies Held in Oxford 2003. Peeters. pp. 59–64
- ^ Ando, p. 382.
- ^ Oxford Latin Dictionary (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1982, 1985 reprint), pp. 1048–1049
- ^ Habinek (2005), pp. 5, 143.
- ^ Rawson (2003), p. 128.
- ^ McDaniel, Walton Brooks (1906). "Some Passages concerning Ball-Games". Transactions and Proceedings of the American Philological Association. 37: 121–134. doi:10.2307/282704. JSTOR 282704.
- ^ Rawson (2003), pp. 129–130.
- ^ a b Austin, R. G. (2009). "Roman Board Games. II". Greece and Rome. 4 (11): 76–82. doi:10.1017/S0017383500003119. JSTOR 640979.
- ^ Eyben, Emiel (1977) Restless Youth in Ancient Rome. Routledge, pp. 79–82, 110.
- ^ Dunbabin, Katherine M.D. (1999) Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World. Cambridge University Press. p. 133. ISBN 0-521-00230-3.
- ^ Hanson, Ann Ellis (1991) "The Restructuring of Female Physiology at Rome," in Les écoles médicales à Rome. Université de Nantes. pp. 260, 264, particularly citing the Gynecology of Soranus.
- ^ Austin, R. G. (1934). "Roman Board Games. I". Greece and Rome. 4 (10): 24–34. doi:10.1017/s0017383500002941. JSTOR 641231.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 230.
- ^ a b c Coon, Lynda L. (1997) Sacred Fictions: Holy Women and Hagiography in Late Antiquity. University of Pennsylvania Press. pp. 57–58.
- ^ a b Vout, p. 216
- ^ a b c d e Bieber, Margarete (1959). "Roman Men in Greek Himation (Romani Palliati) a Contribution to the History of Copying". Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society. 103 (3): 374–417. JSTOR 985474.
- ^ Vout, p. 218.
- ^ Vout, pp. 204–220, especially pp. 206, 211
- ^ Métraux, Guy P.R. (2008) "Prudery and Chic in Late Antique Clothing," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture. University of Toronto Press. p. 286.
- ^ Modern copy of a 2nd-century original, from the Louvre.
- ^ a b Gagarin, p. 231.
- ^ Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 11.3.137–149
- ^ Métraux, Guy P.R. (2008) "Prudery and Chic in Late Antique Clothing," in Roman Dress and the Fabrics of Roman Culture. University of Toronto Press. pp. 282–283.
- ^ Cleland, Liza (2007) Greek and Roman Dress from A to Z. Routledge. p. 194.
- ^ Tertullian, De Pallio 5.2
- ^ Vout, p. 217.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 232.
- ^ D'Amato, Raffaele (2005) Roman Military Clothing (3) AD 400 to 640. Osprey. pp. 7–9. ISBN 184176843X.
- ^ Wickham, Chris (2009) The Inheritance of Rome. Penguin Books. p. 106. ISBN 978-0-670-02098-0
- ^ Kousser, p. 1
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 75–76.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 82–83.
- ^ Gazda, Elaine K. (1991) "Introduction", in Roman Art in the Private Sphere: Architecture and Décor of the Domus, Villa, and Insula. University of Michigan Press. pp. 1–3. ISBN 047210196X.
- ^ Paul Zanker, Pompeii: Public and Private Life, translated by Deborah Lucas Schneider (Harvard University Press, 1998, originally published 1995 in German), p. 189.
- ^ Kousser, pp. 4–5, 8.
- ^ Gagarin, pp. 312–313.
- ^ Toynbee, J. M. C. (December 1971). "Roman Art". The Classical Review. 21 (3): 439–442. doi:10.1017/S0009840X00221331. JSTOR 708631.
- ^ Zanker, Paul (1988) The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus. University of Michigan Press. p. 5ff.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 451.
- ^ Fejfer, Jane (2008) Roman Portraits in Context. Walter de Gruyter. p. 10.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 453.
- ^ Mattusch, Carol C. (2005) The Villa dei Papiri at Herculaneum: Life and Afterlife of a Sculpture Collection. Getty Publications. p. 322.
- ^ Kousser, p. 13
- ^ Strong, Donald (1976, 1988) Roman Art. Yale University Press. 2nd ed., p. 11.
- ^ Gagarin, pp. 274–275.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 242.
- ^ Kleiner, Fred S. (2007) A History of Roman Art. Wadsworth. p. 272.
- ^ Newby, Zahra (2011) "Myth and Death: Roman Mythological Sarcophagi," in A Companion to Greek Mythology. Blackwell. p. 301.
- ^ Elsner, p. 1.
- ^ Elsner, p. 12.
- ^ Elsner, p. 14.
- ^ Elsner, pp. 1, 9.
- ^ Hachlili, Rachel (1998) Ancient Jewish Art and Archaeology in the Diaspora. Brill. p. 96ff.
- ^ Schreckenberg, Heinz and Schubert, Kurt (1991) Jewish Historiography and Iconography in Early and Medieval Christianity. Fortress Press. p. 171ff.
- ^ a b Gagarin, p. 463.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 459.
- ^ Gagarin, pp. 459–460.
- ^ "Antioch and the Bath of Apolausis - History of the excavations". J. Paul Getty Museum. 30 March 2016. Retrieved 16 June 2020.
- ^ Dunbabin, Katherine M.D. (1999) Mosaics of the Greek and Roman World. Cambridge University Press. p. 254ff. ISBN 0-521-00230-3.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 202.
- ^ Butcher, Kevin (2003) Roman Syria and the Near East. Getty Publications. p. 201ff. ISBN 0-89236-715-6.
- ^ Bowman, p. 421.
- ^ Fantham, R. Elaine (1989). "Mime: The Missing Link in Roman Literary History". The Classical World. 82 (3): 153–163. doi:10.2307/4350348. JSTOR 4350348.
- ^ Slater, William J. (2002). "Mime Problems: Cicero Ad fam. 7.1 and Martial 9.38". Phoenix. 56 (3/4): 315–329. doi:10.2307/1192603. JSTOR 1192603.
- ^ Potter (1999), p. 257.
- ^ Gian Biagio Conte (1994) Latin Literature: A History. Johns Hopkins University Press. p. 128.
- ^ Franklin, James L. (1987). "Pantomimists at Pompeii: Actius Anicetus and His Troupe". The American Journal of Philology. 108 (1): 95–107. doi:10.2307/294916. JSTOR 294916.
- ^ Starks, John H. Jr. (2008) "Pantomime Actresses in Latin Inscriptions," in New Directions in Ancient Pantomime. Oxford University Press. pp. 95, 14ff.
- ^ a b Naerebout, p. 146.
- ^ a b c d Ginsberg‐Klar, Maria E. (2010). "The archaeology of musical instruments in Germany during the Roman period". World Archaeology. 12 (3): 313–320. doi:10.1080/00438243.1981.9979806. JSTOR 124243.
- ^ Habinek (2005), p. 90ff.
- ^ Sonia Mucznik. Musicians and Musical Instruments in Roman and Early Byzantine Mosaics of the Land of Israel: Sources, Precursors and Significance. Tel Aviv University.
- ^ Naerebout, p. 146ff.
- ^ Naerebout, pp. 154, 157.
- ^ Naerebout, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Richlin, Amy (1993). "Not before Homosexuality: The Materiality of the cinaedus and the Roman Law against Love between Men". Journal of the History of Sexuality. 3 (4): 539–540. JSTOR 3704392.
- ^ Csapo, Eric and Slater, William J. (1994) The Context of Ancient Drama. University of Michigan Press. p. 377.
- ^ MacMullen, Ramsay (1984) Christianizing the Roman Empire: (A. D. 100–400). Yale University Press. pp. 74–75, 84.
- ^ As quoted by Alcuin, Epistula 175 (Nescit homo, qui histriones et mimos et saltatores introduct in domum suam, quam magna eos immundorum sequitur turba spiritum)
- ^ Hen, Yitzhak (1995) Culture and Religion in Merovingian Gaul, AD 481–751. Brill. p. 230.
- ^ a b Harris, p. 5
- ^ Johnson (2009), pp. 3–4
- ^ a b Kraus, T.J. (2000). "(Il)literacy in Non-Literary Papyri from Graeco-Roman Egypt: Further Aspects of the Educational Ideal in Ancient Literary Sources and Modern Times". Mnemosyne. 53 (3): 322–342 (325–327). doi:10.1163/156852500510633. JSTOR 4433101.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 89, 97–98.
- ^ Mattern, Susan P. (1999) Rome and the Enemy: Imperial Strategy in the Principate. University of California Press. p. 197
- ^ a b Morgan, Teresa (1998) Literate Education in the Hellenistic and Roman Worlds. Cambridge University Press. pp. 1–2
- ^ Johnson (2009), p. 46ff.
- ^ Peachin, p. 97.
- ^ Clifford Ando poses the question as "what good would 'posted edicts' do in a world of low literacy?' in Ando, p. 101 (see also p. 87 on "the government's obsessive documentation").
- ^ Ando, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Ando, p. 101
- ^ Ando, pp. 152, 210.
- ^ Beard, Mary (1991) "Ancient Literacy and the Written Word in Roman Religion," in Literacy in the Roman World. University of Michigan Press. p. 59ff
- ^ Dickie, Matthew (2001) Magic and Magicians in the Greco-Roman World. Routledge. pp. 94–95, 181–182, and 196
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 555
- ^ Harris, pp. 29, 218–219.
- ^ Phang, Sara Elise (2011) "Military Documents, Languages, and Literacy," in A Companion to the Roman Army. Blackwell. pp. 286–301.
- ^ Mattern, Rome and the Enemy, p. 197, citing Harris, pp. 253–255.
- ^ Harris, pp. 9, 48, 215, 248, 258–269
- ^ Johnson (2009), pp. 47, 54, 290ff.
- ^ Mattern, Rome and the Enemy, p. 197
- ^ Gagarin, pp. 19–20.
- ^ a b Johnson (2010), pp. 17–18.
- ^ Martial, Epigrams 1.2 and 14.184–92, as cited by Johnson (2010), p. 17
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 83–84.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Cavallo, p. 84.
- ^ a b c Marshall, p. 253.
- ^ Cavallo, p. 71
- ^ Marshall, p. 253, citing on the book trade in the provinces Pliny the Younger, Epistulae 9.11.2; Martial, Epigrams 7.88; Horace, Carmina 2.20.13f. and Ars Poetica 345; Ovid, Tristia 4.9.21 and 4.10.128; Pliny the Elder, Natural History 35.2.11; Sidonius, Epistulae 9.7.1.
- ^ Strabo 13.1.54, 50.13.419; Martial, Epigrams 2.8; Lucian, Adversus Indoctum 1
- ^ According to Seneca, Epistulae 27.6f.
- ^ Marshall, p. 254.
- ^ Marshall, pp. 252–264.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 67–68.
- ^ Marshall, pp. 257, 260.
- ^ Pliny, Epistulae 1.8.2; CIL 5.5262 (= ILS 2927)
- ^ Marshall, p. 255.
- ^ Marshall, 261–262
- ^ Cavallo, p. 70.
- ^ Tacitus, Agricola 2.1 and Annales 4.35 and 14.50; Pliny the Younger, Epistulae 7.19.6; Suetonius, Augustus 31, Tiberius 61.3, and Caligula 16
- ^ Suetonius, Domitian 10; Quintilian, Institutio Oratoria 9.2.65
- ^ Marshall, p. 263.
- ^ Johnson (2009), pp. 114ff, 186ff.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 372.
- ^ Johnson (2010) p. 14.
- ^ Johnson (2009), p. 320ff.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 68–69, 78–79.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 81–82.
- ^ Peachin, p. 95.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 84–85.
- ^ Laes, p. 108
- ^ a b c Peachin, p. 89.
- ^ Laes, pp. 113–116.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 90, 92
- ^ Laes, pp. 116–121.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 87–89.
- ^ Laes, p. 122.
- ^ a b Peachin, p. 90.
- ^ Laes, pp. 107–108, 132.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 93–94.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 88, 106
- ^ Laes, p. 109.
- ^ Laes, p. 132.
- ^ Potter (2009), pp. 439, 442.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 102–103, 105.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 104–105.
- ^ Peachin, pp. 103, 106.
- ^ Peachin, p. 110.
- ^ Peachin, p. 107.
- ^ Saller, R. P. (2012). "Promotion and Patronage in Equestrian Careers". Journal of Roman Studies. 70: 44–63. doi:10.2307/299555. JSTOR 299555.
- ^ Armstron, David (2010) "The Biographical and Social Foundations of Horace's Poetic Voice," in A Companion to Horace. Blackwell. p. 11
- ^ Lyne, R.O.A.M. (1995) Horace: Beyond the Public Poetry. Yale University Press. pp. 2–3
- ^ Peachin, p. 94.
- ^ Potter (2009), p. 598.
- ^ Laes, pp. 109–110.
- ^ Peachin, p. 88.
- ^ Laes, p. 110
- ^ a b Gagarin, p. 19.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 18.
- ^ The wide-ranging 21st-century scholarship on the Second Sophistic includes Being Greek under Rome: Cultural Identity, the Second Sophistic and the Development of Empire, edited by Simon Goldhill (Cambridge University Press, 2001); Paideia: The World of the Second Sophistic, edited by Barbara E. Borg (De Gruyter, 2004); and Tim Whitmarsh, The Second Sophistic (Oxford University Press, 2005).
- ^ a b Habinek, Thomas N. (1998) The Politics of Latin Literature: Writing, Identity, and Empire in Ancient Rome. Princeton University Press. pp. 122–123
- ^ Rawson (2003), p. 80.
- ^ James, Sharon L. (2003) Learned Girls and Male Persuasion: Gender and Reading in Roman Love Elegy. University of California Press. pp. 21–25
- ^ Johnson, W.R. "Propertius," pp. 42–43, and Sharon L. James, "Elegy and New Comedy," p. 262, both in A Companion to Roman Love Elegy. Blackwell, 2012.
- ^ Gagarin, p. 20.
- ^ Harris, p. 3.
- ^ Numbers, Ronald (2009). Galileo Goes to Jail and Other Myths about Science and Religion. Harvard University Press. p. 18. ISBN 978-0-674-03327-6.
- ^ Grant, Edvard. (1996) "The Foundations of Modern Science in the Middle Ages. Cambridge University Press. Page 4.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 87–89.
- ^ Cavallo, p. 86.
- ^ Cavallo, pp. 15-16.
- ^ Roberts, p. 3.
- ^ Aetas Ovidiana; Charles McNelis, "Ovidian Strategies in Early Imperial Literature," in A Companion to Ovid (Blackwell, 2007), p. 397.
- ^ Roberts, p. 8.
- ^ van Dam, Harm-Jan (2008) "Wandering Woods Again: From Poliziano to Grotius," in The Poetry of Statius. Brill. p. 45ff.
- ^ Jonathan Master, "The Histories," in A Companion to Tacitus (Blackwell, 2012), p. 88.
- ^ Sage, Michael M. (1990) "Tacitus' Historical Works: A Survey and Appraisal," Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt II.33.2, p. 853.
- ^ Albrecht, p. 1294.
- ^ Albrecht, p. 1443.
- ^ a b Roberts, p. 70.
- ^ Albrecht, p. 1359ff.
- ^ "Not since Vergil had there been a Roman poet so effective at establishing a master narrative for his people": Marc Mastrangelo, The Roman Self in Late Antiquity: Prudentius and the Poetics of the Soul (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2008), p. 3.
- ^ Bowersock, p. 694
- ^ a b Rüpke, p. 4.
- ^ Apuleius, Florides 1.1
- ^ Rüpke, p. 279.
- ^ Matthew Bunson, A Dictionary of the Roman Empire (Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 246.
- ^ The caesareum at Najaran was possibly known later as the "Kaaba of Najran": جواد علي, المفصل في تاريخ العرب قبل الإسلام (Jawad Ali, Al-Mufassal fi Tarikh Al-'Arab Qabl Al-Islam; "Commentary on the History of the Arabs Before Islam"), Baghdad, 1955–1983; P. Harland, "Imperial Cults within Local Cultural Life: Associations in Roman Asia", originally published in Ancient History Bulletin / Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 17 (2003) 91–103.
- ^ Isaac, Benjamin H. (2004) The Invention of Racism in Classical Antiquity. Princeton University Press. p. 449
- ^ Frend, W.H.C. (1967) Martyrdom and Persecution in the Early Church: A Study of Conflict from the Maccabees to Donatus. Doubleday. p. 106
- ^ Huskinson, Janet (2000) Experiencing Rome: Culture, Identity and Power in the Roman Empire. Routledge. p. 261. See, for instance, the altar dedicated by a Roman citizen and depicting a sacrifice conducted in the Roman manner for the Germanic goddess Vagdavercustis in the 2nd century AD.
- ^ Momigliano, Arnaldo (1986). "The Disadvantages of Monotheism for a Universal State". Classical Philology. 81 (4): 285–297. doi:10.1086/367003. JSTOR 269977. S2CID 161203730.
- ^ Fishwick, Duncan (1991). The Imperial Cult in the Latin West: Studies in the Ruler Cult of the Western Provinces of the Roman Empire, Vol. 1, Brill. pp. 97–149. ISBN 90-04-07179-2.
- ^ Ben-Sasson, H.H. (1976) A History of the Jewish People, Harvard University Press. pp. 254–256. ISBN 0-674-39731-2
- ^ Bowman, p. 616
- ^ Frend, W.H.C. (2006) "Persecutions: Genesis and Legacy," Cambridge History of Christianity: Origins to Constantine. Cambridge University Press. Vol. 1, p. 510. ISBN 0-521-81239-9.
- ^ Barnes, T. D. (2012). "Legislation against the Christians". Journal of Roman Studies. 58 (1–2): 32–50. doi:10.2307/299693. JSTOR 299693.
- ^ Sainte-Croix, G.E.M de (1963). "Why Were the Early Christians Persecuted?". Past & Present. 26: 6–38. doi:10.1093/past/26.1.6.
- ^ Musurillo, Herbert (1972) The Acts of the Christian Martyrs. Oxford: Clarendon Press. pp. lviii–lxii
- ^ Sherwin-White, A. N. (1952). "The Early Persecutions and Roman Law Again". The Journal of Theological Studies. 3 (2): 199–213. doi:10.1093/jts/III.2.199. JSTOR 23952852.
- ^ Tacitus, Annals XV.44
- ^ Eusebius of Caesarea (425). Church History.
- ^ Smallwood, E.M. (1956). "'Domitian's attitude towards the Jews and Judaism". Classical Philology. 51: 1–13. doi:10.1086/363978. S2CID 161356789.
- ^ Pliny, Epistle to Trajan on the Christians Archived 11 August 2011 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Frend, W. H. C. (1959). "The Failure of the Persecutions in the Roman Empire". Past and Present. 16 (16): 10–30. doi:10.1093/past/16.1.10. JSTOR 650151.
- ^ Bowersock, p. 625
- ^ Rüpke, pp. 406–426
- ^ On vocabulary, see Schilling, Robert (1992) "The Decline and Survival of Roman Religion", Roman and European Mythologies. University of Chicago Press. p. 110.
- ^ Burgan, Michael (2009). Empire of Ancient Rome. Infobase Publishing. pp. 113–114. ISBN 978-1-4381-2659-3.
- ^ Noble, Thomas F. X.; Strauss, Barry; Osheim, Duane J.; Neuschel, Kristen B.; Accampo, Elinor Ann (2010). Western Civilization: Beyond Boundaries, 1300–1815. Cengage Learning. p. 352. ISBN 978-1-4240-6959-0.
- ^ Goffman, Daniel (2002). The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe. Cambridge University Press. p. 107.
- ^ Legacy·December 5; 2019 (5 December 2019). "The Battle of Otranto". The Italian Tribune. Retrieved 5 July 2021.
{{cite web}}: CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link) - ^ Encyclopædia Britannica, History of Europe, The Romans, 2008, O.Ed.
- ^ Collier, Martin (2003). Italian Unification, 1820–71. Heinemann. p. 22. ISBN 978-0-435-32754-5.
- ^ Briggs, Ward (2010) "United States," in A Companion to the Classical Tradition. Blackwell. p. 279ff.
- ^ Meinig, D.W. (1986) The Shaping of America: A Geographical Perspective on 500 Years of History. Atlantic America, 1492–1800. Yale University Press. Vol. 1. pp. 432–435. ISBN 0-300-03882-8.
- ^ Vale, Lawrence J. (1992) Architecture, Power, and National Identity. Yale University Press. pp. 11, 66–67
- ^ Mallgrave, Harry Francis (2005) Modern Architectural Theory: A Historical Survey, 1673–1968. Cambridge University Press. pp. 144–145
- ^ Kornwall, James D. (2011) Architecture and Town Planning in Colonial North America. Johns Hopkins University Press, vol. 3. pp. 1246, 1405–1408. ISBN 0-8018-5986-7.
- ^ Wood, pp. 73–74
- ^ Onuf, Peter S. and Cole, Nicholas P. introduction to Thomas Jefferson, the Classical World, and Early America. University of Virginia Press. p. 5
- ^ Dietler, Michael (2010). Archaeologies of Colonialism: Consumption, Entanglement, and Violence in Ancient Mediterranean France. University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-26551-6.
- ^ Briggs, W. (2010) "United States," in A Companion to the Classical Tradition. Blackwell. pp. 282–286
- ^ Wood, pp. 60, 66, 73–74, 239.
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