عربي
العربية ( العربية ، آل'arabiyyah [سورة ʕarabijːa] ( الاستماع )
أو عربي ، 'arabīy [عربيː] ( اسمع ) أو[araˈbij] ) هي لغة سامية ظهرت لأول مرة في القرنين الأول والرابع الميلادي. [3] وهي الآن لغة مشتركة في العالم العربي . [4] سميت على اسم العرب ، وهو مصطلح استخدم في البداية لوصف الشعوب التي تعيش في شبه الجزيرة العربية التي يحدها شرق مصر في الغرب ، وبلاد ما بين النهرين في الشرق ، وجبال لبنان وشمال سوريا في الشمال ، كما يُنظر إليه من قبل الجغرافيين اليونانيين القدماء . [5] و ISO يعين رموز لغة إلى 32 نوعا من العربية، بما في ذلك شكلها القياسي ، اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة ، [6] يشار إليها أيضًا باسم اللغة العربية الأدبية ، وهي اللغة العربية الفصحى المحدثة . يوجد هذا التمييز في المقام الأول بين اللغويين الغربيين. لا يميز المتحدثون باللغة العربية بشكل عام بين اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة والعربية الفصحى ، ولكنهم يشيرون إلى كلٍّ منهما بالحروف الفصحى ( أَلعَرَبِيَّةُ ٱلْفُصْحَىٰ [7] "العربية الفصيحة") أو ببساطة الفؤا ( اَلْفُصْحَى ). اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة هي لغة رسمية في 26 دولة ومنطقة واحدة متنازع عليها ، وهي ثالث أكثر اللغات بعد الإنجليزية والفرنسية. [8]
يتم تدريس اللغة العربية على نطاق واسع في المدارس والجامعات في جميع أنحاء العالم وتستخدم بدرجات متفاوتة في أماكن العمل والحكومات ووسائل الإعلام. [9] العربية، في تقريرها النموذج القياسي ، هي اللغة الرسمية في 26 دولة، فضلا عن اللغة الطقسية للدين الإسلام ، لأن القرآن و الأحاديث كانت مكتوبة باللغة العربية. [10]
خلال العصور الوسطى ، كانت اللغة العربية وسيلة رئيسية للثقافة في أوروبا ، وخاصة في العلوم والرياضيات والفلسفة. نتيجة لذلك ، استعارت العديد من اللغات الأوروبية العديد من الكلمات منها. يظهر التأثير العربي ، بشكل أساسي في المفردات ، في اللغات الأوروبية - بشكل أساسي الإسبانية وبدرجة أقل البرتغالية ، والكتالونية ، والصقلية - نظرًا لقرب الحضارات الأوروبية المسيحية والعربية المسلمة وكذلك الثقافة واللغة العربية طويلة الأمد ، بشكل رئيسي في جنوب أيبيريا ، خلال عصر الأندلس . في اللغة المالطية هي لغة ساميةمن لهجة عربية ومكتوبة بالأبجدية اللاتينية . [11] و البلقان لغات منها اليونانية و البلغارية اكتسبت، كما أن عددا كبيرا من الكلمات من أصل عربي من خلال الاتصال مع التركية العثمانية .
أثرت اللغة العربية على العديد من اللغات الأخرى حول العالم عبر تاريخها. بعض اللغات الاكثر تأثرا هي الفارسية ، التركية ، الهندوستانية ( الهندية و الأردية )، [12] الكشميري ، الكردية ، البوسنية ، الكازاخية ، البنغالية ، لغة الملايو ( الاندونيسية و الماليزية )، المالديف ، الباشتو ، البنجابية ، الألبانية ، الأرمينية ، أذربيجان، الصقلية، الإسبانية، اليونانية، البلغارية، التغالوغ ، السندية ، أوديا [13] و الهوسا وبعض اللغات في أجزاء من أفريقيا. على العكس من ذلك ، استعارت العربية كلمات من لغات أخرى ، بما في ذلك العبرية واليونانية والآرامية والفارسية في العصور الوسطى ولغات مثل الإنجليزية والفرنسية في العصر الحديث.
اللغة العربية هي اللغة الدينية لـ 1.8 مليار مسلم ، والعربية [14] هي إحدى اللغات الرسمية الست للأمم المتحدة . [15] [16] [17] [18] جميع أنواع اللغة العربية مجتمعة يتحدث بها ما يصل إلى 422 مليون ناطق (أصلي وغير أصلي) في العالم العربي ، [19] مما يجعلها خامس أكثر اللغات استخدامًا في العالم العربي. العالم. [20] تُكتب اللغة العربية بالأبجدية العربية ، وهي عبارة عن نص أبجد وتُكتب من اليمين إلى اليسار ، على الرغم من أن الأنواع المنطوقة تُكتب أحيانًا باللاتينية ASCII منمن اليسار إلى اليمين بدون تهجئة موحدة.
تصنيف
تُصنف اللغة العربية عادة ، ولكن ليس عالمياً ، على أنها لغة سامية مركزية . وهي مرتبطة باللغات في مجموعات فرعية أخرى من مجموعة اللغات السامية ( شمال غربي سامي ، جنوب سامي ، شرق سامي ، غرب سامي ) ، مثل الآرامية ، السريانية ، العبرية ، الأوغاريتية ، الفينيقية ، الكنعانية ، الأموريتية ، العمونية ، الإيبلايت ، الكتابية الشمالية القديمة عربي ، كتابي قديم ، عربي جنوبي ، إثيوبي, Modern South Arabian, and numerous other dead and modern languages. Linguists still differ as to the best classification of Semitic language sub-groups.[3] The Semitic languages changed a great deal between Proto-Semitic and the emergence of the Central Semitic languages, particularly in grammar. Innovations of the Central Semitic languages—all maintained in Arabic—include:
- The conversion of the suffix-conjugated stative formation (jalas-) into a past tense.
- The conversion of the prefix-conjugated preterite-tense formation (yajlis-) into a present tense.
- القضاء على أشكال المزاج / الجوانب الأخرى المقترنة بالبادئة (على سبيل المثال ، زمن المضارع الذي يتكون من مضاعفة الجذر الأوسط ، وهو مثالي يتكون عن طريق لصق a / t / بعد الحرف الساكن الأول في الجذر ، وربما يكون jussive يتكون من تحول الإجهاد) لصالح من الحالات المزاجية الجديدة التي تشكلت من خلال نهايات مرتبطة بأشكال الإقتران البادئة (على سبيل المثال ، -u للإشارة ، -a للشرط ، لا نهاية لـ jussive ، -an أو -anna للحيوية ).
- تطوير المبني للمجهول الداخلي.
There are several features which Classical Arabic, the modern Arabic varieties, as well as the Safaitic and Hismaic inscriptions share which are unattested in any other Central Semitic language variety, including the Dadanitic and Taymanitic languages of the northern Hejaz. These features are evidence of common descent from a hypothetical ancestor, Proto-Arabic. The following features can be reconstructed with confidence for Proto-Arabic:[21]
- negative particles m * /mā/; lʾn */lā-ʾan/ to Classical Arabic lan
- mafʿūl G-passive participle
- حروف الجر والظروف و ، 'n ، 'nd ، HT ، 'kdy
- شرط في - أ
- ر - المظاهرات
- تسوية - عند تماثل النهاية المؤنثة
- ʾn مكمل ومرؤوس
- استخدام f - لإدخال البنود النمطية
- ضمير المفعول به المستقل في (ʾ) y
- بقايا التنوين
تاريخ
عربي قديم
تباهت الجزيرة العربية بمجموعة متنوعة من اللغات السامية في العصور القديمة. في الجنوب الغربي ، تم التحدث بلغات سامية مركزية مختلفة تنتمي إلى وخارج الأسرة العربية الجنوبية القديمة (مثل جنوب ثمودية). يُعتقد أيضًا أن أسلاف اللغات العربية الجنوبية الحديثة (اللغات السامية غير المركزية) تم التحدث بها أيضًا في جنوب شبه الجزيرة العربية في هذا الوقت. إلى الشمال، في الواحات في شمال الحجاز ، Dadanitic و Taymanitic عقد بعض الهيبة لغات النقوش. في نجد and parts of western Arabia, a language known to scholars as Thamudic C is attested. In eastern Arabia, inscriptions in a script derived from ASA attest to a language known as Hasaitic. Finally, on the northwestern frontier of Arabia, various languages known to scholars as Thamudic B, Thamudic D, Safaitic, and Hismaic are attested. The last two share important isoglosses with later forms of Arabic, leading scholars to theorize that Safaitic and Hismaic are in fact early forms of Arabic and that they should be considered Old Arabic.[22]
Linguists generally believe that "Old Arabic" (a collection of related dialects that constitute the precursor of Arabic) first emerged around the 1st century CE. Previously, the earliest attestation of Old Arabic was thought to be a single 1st century CE inscription in Sabaic script at Qaryat Al-Faw, in southern present-day Saudi Arabia. However, this inscription does not participate in several of the key innovations of the Arabic language group, such as the conversion of Semitic mimation to nunation in the singular. It is best reassessed as a separate language on the Central Semitic dialect continuum.[23]
كان يُعتقد أيضًا أن اللغة العربية القديمة تعايشت جنبًا إلى جنب مع الكتابة الكتابية العربية الشمالية القديمة (ANA) - ثم تهجرت تدريجيًا - والتي كان يُفترض أنها كانت اللغة الإقليمية لعدة قرون. ANA ، على الرغم من اسمها ، كانت تعتبر لغة مميزة للغاية ، وغير مفهومة بشكل متبادل ، من "العربية". علماء اسمه اللهجات البديل لها بعد المدن حيث تم اكتشاف نقوش ( Dadanitic ، Taymanitic ، Hismaic ، الصفوية ). [3]ومع ذلك ، فإن معظم الحجج الخاصة بلغة ANA أو عائلة لغة واحدة كانت مبنية على شكل المقالة المحددة ، وهي مسبوقة h-. لقد قيل إن h- هي عفا عليها الزمن وليست ابتكارًا مشتركًا ، وبالتالي فهي غير مناسبة لتصنيف اللغة ، مما يجعل فرضية عائلة لغة ANA غير مقبولة. [24] يجب اعتبار اللغة الصفوية والحيزمية ، التي كانت تُعتبر سابقًا ANA ، عربية قديمة نظرًا لمشاركتها في الابتكارات المشتركة بين جميع أشكال اللغة العربية. [22]
أقدم دليل على وجود نص عربي مستمر في أحد أسلاف النص العربي الحديث هو ثلاثة أسطر شعرية لرجل يُدعى Garm (') الله وجدت في عين أفدات ، إسرائيل ، ويرجع تاريخها إلى حوالي 125 م. [27] يتبع ذلك نقش نمارة ، وهو ضريح للملك اللخميد مار القيس بار عمرو ، يعود تاريخه إلى 328 م ، تم العثور عليه في نمارة ، سوريا. من القرن الرابع إلى القرن السادس ، تطورت الكتابة النبطية إلى الخط العربي المعروف منذ العصر الإسلامي المبكر. [28] توجد نقوش مكتوبة بخط عربي مؤلف من 17 حرفًا غير منقطة يرجع تاريخها إلى القرن السادس الميلادي ، وتم العثور عليها في أربعة مواقع في سوريا ( زبد، جبل عسيس ، حران ، أم الجمال ). يرجع تاريخ أقدم بردية في اللغة العربية إلى 643 م ، وتستخدم النقاط لإنتاج الأبجدية العربية الحديثة المكونة من 28 حرفًا. يشير اللغويون إلى لغة تلك البردية والقرآن باسم " العربية القرآنية " ، على أنها تختلف عن تدوينها بعد ذلك بوقت قصير إلى " اللغة العربية الفصحى ". [3]
الحجازية القديمة والعربية الفصحى
في أواخر عصور ما قبل الإسلام ، ظهرت مجموعة متنوعة من اللغة العربية في الحجاز والتي استمرت في عيش حياتها الموازية بعد أن تم توحيد اللغة العربية الأدبية مؤسسياً في القرنين الثاني والثالث للهجرة ، وبقوة في النصوص اليهودية والمسيحية. الميزات القديمة الحية التي تم حذفها من التقليد "المتعلم" (اللغة العربية الفصحى). [29] تم تسمية هذا التنوع وكلاه من التكرارات الكلاسيكية و "العادية" بالعربية الوسطى في الماضي ، لكن يُعتقد أنهم يستمرون في سجل حجازي قديم . ومن الواضح أن الهجاء من القرآن was not developed for the standardized form of Classical Arabic; rather, it shows the attempt on the part of writers to record an archaic form of Old Higazi.
في أواخر القرن السادس الميلادي ، تم تطوير "كوينة شعرية" موحدة نسبيًا بين القبائل ومتميزة عن اللهجات العامية المحكية بناءً على اللهجات البدوية في نجد ، وربما على صلة ببلاط الحارة . خلال القرن الإسلامي الأول ، كان غالبية الشعراء العرب والكتاب العربي يتحدثون اللغة العربية كلغتهم الأم. تحتوي نصوصهم ، على الرغم من حفظها بشكل أساسي في المخطوطات اللاحقة ، على آثار لعناصر عربية كلاسيكية غير موحدة في علم التشكل والنحو.
التوحيد
أبو الأسود آل Du'ali يعود الفضل (ج. 603-689) مع توحيد قواعد اللغة العربية ، أو وسيلة naḥw ( النحو "السبيل" [30] )، ورائدة نظام التشكيل على الحروف الساكنة تمييز ( نقط الإعجام شعبية النقاط ل-i'jām "مشيرا لغير العرب") وتشير النطق ( التشكيل المعرضين للtashkil ). [31] جمع الخليل بن أحمد الفراهيدي (718 - 786) أول قاموس عربي ، كتاب العين ( كتاب العين "كتاب الحرف ع ") ، ويعود إليه الفضل في وضع قواعد اللغة العربية.عزف . [32] اقترح الجاحظ (776-868) على الأخفش الأكبر إجراء إصلاح شامل لقواعد اللغة العربية ، لكنه لم يمر قرنين من الزمان. [33] انتهى توحيد اللغة العربية في نهاية القرن الثامن. أول وصف شامل لل 'arabiyya "العربية"، سيبويه في آل - كتاب يستند، أولا وقبل كل بناء على المثول للنصوص الشعرية، بالإضافة إلى استخدام القرآن والمخبرين البدو الذي كان يعتبر المتحدثين موثوق ل 'arabiyya . [34]
الانتشار
انتشرت اللغة العربية مع انتشار الإسلام . وبعد الفتوحات الإسلامية في وقت مبكر ، واكتسبت العربية المفردات من الشرق الفارسي و التركي . [25] في أوائل العصر العباسي ، دخلت العديد من المصطلحات اليونانية الكلاسيكية إلى العربية من خلال ترجمات تمت في بيت الحكمة في بغداد . [25]
بحلول القرن الثامن ، أصبحت معرفة اللغة العربية الفصحى شرطًا أساسيًا للارتقاء إلى الطبقات العليا في جميع أنحاء العالم الإسلامي ، سواء بالنسبة للمسلمين أو غير المسلمين. على سبيل المثال ، قام الفيلسوف اليهودي الأندلسي موسى بن ميمون بتأليف أعمال باللغة اليهودية العربية - العربية المكتوبة بخط عبري - بما في ذلك كتابه الشهير "دليل الحائرين" ( دلالة الحائرين دلالات الحاصرين ). [35]
تطوير
ابن جني من الموصل ، وهو رائد في علم الأصوات كتب، بغزارة في القرن 10 على التشكل العربية وعلم الأصوات في أعمال مثل كتاب آل منصف ، كتاب آل Muḥtasab ، و كتاب آل Khaṣā'iṣ . [36]
ابن مضاء " من قرطبة (1116-1196) أدرك اصلاح قواعد اللغة العربية أول من اقترح الجاحظ مسبق من 200 سنة. [33]
والمغربي معجمي ابن منظور جمعت لسان آل عرب (لسان العرب "، لسان العرب")، في اشارة كبير القاموس العربية، في 1290. [37]
النيو عربي
تدعي نظرية الكوين الخاصة بتشارلز فيرجسون (فيرغسون 1959) أن اللهجات العربية الحديثة تنحدر بشكل جماعي من عملة عسكرية واحدة نشأت خلال الفتوحات الإسلامية. تم الطعن في هذا الرأي في الآونة الأخيرة. يقترح أحمد الجلاد أنه كان هناك نوعان مختلفان على الأقل من اللغة العربية عشية الفتوحات: الشمالية والوسطى (الجلاد 2009). ظهرت اللهجات الحديثة من حالة اتصال جديدة نشأت بعد الفتوحات. بدلاً من ظهور كوان واحد أو متعدد ، تحتوي اللهجات على عدة طبقات رسوبية من السمات المستعارة والمساحية ، والتي استوعبتها في نقاط مختلفة في تاريخها اللغوي. [34] ووفقا لVeersteegh وبيكرتون، نشأت اللهجات العربية العامية من pidginizedتشكلت اللغة العربية من اتصال بين العرب والشعوب المحتلة. Pidginization واللاحقة creolization بين العرب و المعربة الشعوب يمكن أن يفسر المورفولوجية النسبي والبساطة الصوتية من العامية العربية مقارنة الكلاسيكية وMSA. [38] [39]
في جميع أنحاء 11th و 12TH قرون في الأندلس ، و الزجل و muwashah أشكال الشعر تطورت في العربية الجدلية قرطبة والمغرب العربي. [40]
النهضة
في أعقاب الثورة الصناعية والأوروبية الهيمنة و الاستعمار ، رائدة المطابع العربية، مثل الأميري الصحافة التي أنشأها محمد علي (1819)، تغيرت بشكل كبير في نشر واستهلاك العربية الأدب والمنشورات. [43]
و النهضة شهدت نهضة ثقافية وإنشاء عدد من الأكاديميات العربية على غرار الفرنسية الأكاديمية التي تهدف إلى تطوير المعجم العربي لتتناسب مع هذه التحولات، [44] لأول مرة في دمشق (1919)، ثم في القاهرة (1932)، بغداد (1948 )، الرباط (1960)، عمان (1977)، الخرطوم (1993)، و تونس (1993). [45] في عام 1997 ، تمت إضافة مكتب توحيد التعريب إلى منظمة التربية والثقافة والعلوم التابعة لجامعة الدول العربية .[45] عملت هذه الأكاديميات والمنظمات على تعريب العلوم ، وخلق مصطلحات باللغة العربية لوصف مفاهيم جديدة ، نحو توحيد هذه المصطلحات الجديدة في جميع أنحاء العالم الناطق بالعربية ، ونحو تطوير اللغة العربية كلغة عالمية . [45] أدى هذا إلى ظهور ما يسميه العلماء الغربيون اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة .
منذ الخمسينيات ، أصبح التعريب سياسة قومية ما بعد الاستعمار في دول مثل تونس والجزائر والمغرب [46] والسودان. [47]
اللغة العربية الفصحى والحديثة والمنطوقة
العربية عادة ما يشير إلى اللغة العربية الفصحى، التي تقسم اللغويين الغربيين إلى اللغة العربية الفصحى و اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة . [48] يمكن أن تشير أيضًا إلى أي مجموعة متنوعة من اللهجات العربية المحلية ، والتي ليست بالضرورة مفهومة بشكل متبادل.
اللغة العربية الفصحى هي اللغة الموجودة في القرآن ، والتي استخدمت من فترة ما قبل الإسلام إلى فترة الخلافة العباسية . اللغة العربية الفصحى هي إلزامية، وفقا ل النحوية المعايير والنحوية التي وضعها النحاة الكلاسيكية (مثل سيبويه ) والمفردات المحددة في القواميس الكلاسيكية (مثل لسان آل عرب- ).
تتبع اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة (MSA) إلى حد كبير المعايير النحوية للغة العربية الفصحى وتستخدم الكثير من نفس المفردات. ومع ذلك ، فقد تخلت عن بعض التراكيب النحوية والمفردات التي لم يعد لها أي نظير في الأصناف المنطوقة واعتمدت بعض التركيبات والمفردات الجديدة من الأصناف المنطوقة. يتم استخدام الكثير من المفردات الجديدة للإشارة إلى المفاهيم التي نشأت في العصر الصناعي وما بعد الصناعيخاصة في العصر الحديث. نظرًا لتأسيسها في اللغة العربية الفصحى ، تمت إزالة اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة على مدى ألف عام من الكلام اليومي ، والذي يتم تفسيره على أنه العديد من اللهجات لهذه اللغة. وصف بعض العلماء هذه اللهجات والعربية الفصحى الحديثة على أنها غير مفهومة بشكل متبادل. عادة ما يتم الحصول على الأول في العائلات ، بينما يتم تدريس الأخير في أماكن التعليم الرسمي. ومع ذلك ، كانت هناك دراسات تشير إلى درجة معينة من الفهم للقصص التي يتم سردها في مجموعة متنوعة قياسية بين الأطفال في سن ما قبل المدرسة. [49] في بعض الأحيان مقارنة العلاقة بين اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة وهذه اللهجات إلى أن من الكلاسيكية اللاتينية و فظ اللاتينية اللهجات العامية (الذي أصبح اللغات الرومانسية) في العصور الوسطى وأوائل أوروبا الحديثة. [50] هذا الرأي على الرغم من أنه لا يأخذ في الاعتبار الاستخدام الواسع النطاق للغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة كوسيلة للتواصل السمعي البصري في وسائل الإعلام اليوم - وهي وظيفة لم يؤدها اللاتينية من قبل.
الفصحى الفصحى هو التنوع المستخدم في معظم المطبوعات العربية الحديثة والمطبوعة ، ويتحدث بها بعض وسائل الإعلام العربية عبر شمال إفريقيا والشرق الأوسط ، ويفهمه معظم المتحدثين باللغة العربية المتعلمين. "الأدبية العربية" و "اللغة العربية الفصحى" ( فصحى الفصحى ) وتعرف أقل بدقة المصطلحات التي قد تشير إلى اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة أو اللغة العربية الفصحى.
فيما يلي بعض الاختلافات بين اللغة العربية الفصحى (CA) والعربية الفصحى الحديثة (MSA):
- بعض التراكيب النحوية المعينة من المرجع المصدق (CA) التي ليس لها نظير في أي لهجة عامية حديثة (على سبيل المثال ، المزاج النشط ) لا تُستخدم أبدًا في اللغة العربية الفصحى الحديثة .
- التمييز بين الحالات نادر جدًا في اللغة العربية العامية. نتيجة لذلك ، يتم تكوين MSA بشكل عام دون مراعاة تمييز الحالة ، ويتم إضافة الحالات المناسبة بعد الحقيقة ، عند الضرورة. نظرًا لأن معظم نهايات الحالة يتم تدوينها باستخدام أحرف العلة القصيرة النهائية ، والتي تُترك عادةً غير مكتوبة في النص العربي ، فليس من الضروري تحديد الحالة المناسبة لمعظم الكلمات. والنتيجة العملية لهذا هي أن الفصحى ، مثل اللغة الإنجليزية والصينية القياسية، يتم كتابته بترتيب كلمات محدد بشدة ، كما أن الأوامر البديلة التي تم استخدامها في CA للتأكيد نادرة. بالإضافة إلى ذلك ، نظرًا لعدم وجود علامات حالة في الأنواع المنطوقة ، لا يمكن لمعظم المتحدثين استخدام النهايات الصحيحة باستمرار في الكلام المرتجل. نتيجة لذلك ، يميل الفصحى المنطوق إلى إسقاط النهايات أو تنظيمها إلا عند القراءة من نص مُعد.
- نظام الأرقام في CA معقد ومرتبط بشدة بنظام الحالة. لا يتم استخدام هذا النظام مطلقًا في اللغة العربية الفصحى ، حتى في أكثر الظروف رسمية ؛ بدلاً من ذلك ، يتم استخدام نظام مبسط بشكل كبير ، يقترب من نظام الأصناف المنطوقة المحافظة.
يستخدم MSA الكثير من المفردات الكلاسيكية (على سبيل المثال ، dhahaba "للذهاب") التي لا توجد في الأنواع المنطوقة ، ولكنها تحذف الكلمات الكلاسيكية التي تبدو قديمة في اللغة العربية الفصحى. بالإضافة إلى ذلك ، استعار الفصحى أو صاغ العديد من المصطلحات لمفاهيم لم تكن موجودة في العصور القرآنية ، ولا يزال الفصحى يتطور. [51] وقد اقترضت بعض الكلمات عن غيرها من اللغات لاحظ أن الحروف يشير أساسا الإملائية وليس النطق الحقيقي (على سبيل المثال، فلم فيلم "فيلم" أو ديمقراطية dīmuqrāṭiyyah "الديمقراطية").
ومع ذلك، فإن تفضيل الحالي هو تجنب القروض المباشرة، وفضلت إما استخدام ل ترجمة القرض (على سبيل المثال، فرع مراجعة فرع 'فرع'، وتستخدم أيضا لفرع الشركة أو المؤسسة، جناح janāḥ "الجناح"، ويستخدم أيضا ل جناح طائرة، وبناء والقوات الجوية، وغيرها)، أو إلى عملة كلمات جديدة باستخدام الأشكال ضمن القائمة الجذور ( استماتة istimātah " موت الخلايا المبرمج "، وذلك باستخدام الجذر موت م / ث / ر "الموت" وضعت في شكل Xth ، أو جامعة jāmi'ah 'الجامعة'، على أساس جمعالجامعة "لجمع وتوحيد '؛ جمهورية jumhūriyyah "الجمهورية"، استنادا إلى جمهور سيدة الجمهور "وافر"). كان الميل في وقت سابق لإعادة تعريف كلمة القديمة على الرغم من أن هذا قد معمولا به (على سبيل المثال، هاتف hātif 'الهاتف' < 'المتصل غير مرئية (في التصوف)'؛ جريدة jarīdah 'صحيفة' < 'أوراق النخيل ساق').
Colloquial or dialectal Arabic refers to the many national or regional varieties which constitute the everyday spoken language and evolved from Classical Arabic. Colloquial Arabic has many regional variants; geographically distant varieties usually differ enough to be mutually unintelligible, and some linguists consider them distinct languages.[52] However, research indicates a high degree of mutual intelligibility between closely related Arabic variants for native speakers listening to words, sentences, and texts; and between more distantly related dialects in interactional situations.[53]
عادة ما تكون الأصناف غير مكتوبة. غالبًا ما يتم استخدامها في وسائل الإعلام المنطوقة غير الرسمية ، مثل المسلسلات والبرامج الحوارية ، [54] وكذلك في بعض الأحيان في أشكال معينة من الوسائط المكتوبة مثل الشعر والإعلانات المطبوعة.
المجموعة الوحيدة من اللغة العربية الحديثة التي اكتسبت مكانة اللغة الرسمية هي اللغة المالطية ، والتي يتم التحدث بها في مالطا (ذات الأغلبية الكاثوليكية ) ومكتوبة بالحروف اللاتينية . تنحدر من اللغة العربية الفصحى من خلال اللغة العربية الصقلية ، ولكنها ليست مفهومة بشكل متبادل مع أي مجموعة متنوعة أخرى من اللغة العربية. يسردها معظم اللغويين كلغة منفصلة بدلاً من اللهجة العربية.
حتى خلال حياة محمد ، كانت هناك لهجات من اللغة العربية المنطوقة. تحدث محمد بلهجة مكة في غرب شبه الجزيرة العربية ، وبهذه اللهجة كتب القرآن. ومع ذلك ، كانت لهجات شبه الجزيرة العربية الشرقية تعتبر الأكثر شهرة في ذلك الوقت ، لذلك تم تحويل لغة القرآن في النهاية لتتبع علم الأصوات الشرقية . هذا هو علم الأصوات الذي يكمن وراء النطق الحديث للغة العربية الفصحى. تفسر الاختلافات الصوتية بين هاتين اللهجتين بعض تعقيدات الكتابة العربية ، وأبرزها كتابة توقف المزمار أو الهمزة. (which was preserved in the eastern dialects but lost in western speech) and the use of alif maqṣūrah (representing a sound preserved in the western dialects but merged with ā in eastern speech).[citation needed]
Language and dialect
يقدم الوضع اللغوي الاجتماعي للغة العربية في العصر الحديث مثالًا رئيسيًا على الظاهرة اللغوية لازدواج اللغة ، وهو الاستخدام الطبيعي لنوعين منفصلين من نفس اللغة ، وعادةً ما يكون ذلك في مواقف اجتماعية مختلفة. Tawleed هي عملية إعطاء ظل جديد للمعنى لكلمة كلاسيكية قديمة. على سبيل المثال ، الهاطيف معجم: هو الذي سمع صوته ولم يسمع شخصه. الآن مصطلح الهيف يستخدم للهاتف. لذلك ، يمكن لعملية التوليد أن تعبر عن احتياجات الحضارة الحديثة بطريقة تبدو وكأنها عربية في الأصل. [55] In the case of Arabic, educated Arabs of any nationality can be assumed to speak both their school-taught Standard Arabic as well as their native, mutually unintelligible "dialects";[56][57][58][59][60] these dialects linguistically constitute separate languages which may have dialects of their own.[61] When educated Arabs of different dialects engage in conversation (for example, a Moroccan speaking with a Lebanese), many speakers code-switch back and forth between the dialectal and standard varieties of the language, sometimes even within the same sentence. Arabic speakers often improve their familiarity with other dialects via music or film.
واتهمت مسألة ما إذا كانت اللغة العربية هي واحدة اللغات اللغة أو العديد من الناحية السياسية، في نفس النحو الذي هي عليه ل أصناف من الصينية ، الهندية و الأردية ، الصربية و الكرواتية ، الاسكتلنديين والإنجليزية، وما إلى ذلك وعلى النقيض من المتحدثين الهندية والأردية الذين يدعون أنهم لا يستطيعون فهم بعضهم البعض حتى عندما يستطيعون ذلك ، سيدعي المتحدثون من مختلف أنواع اللغة العربية أنهم يستطيعون جميعًا فهم بعضهم البعض حتى عندما لا يستطيعون ذلك. [62]تعد مسألة ازدواجية اللغة بين اللغة المنطوقة والمكتوبة عاملاً معقدًا كبيرًا: فالشكل المكتوب الفردي ، الذي يختلف اختلافًا كبيرًا عن أي من الأنواع المنطوقة التي يتم تعلمها محليًا ، يوحد عددًا من الأشكال المنطوقة المتباينة في بعض الأحيان. لأسباب سياسية ، يؤكد العرب في الغالب أنهم يتحدثون جميعًا لغة واحدة ، على الرغم من القضايا الهامة المتعلقة بعدم الفهم المتبادل بين النسخ المنطوقة المختلفة. [63]
من وجهة نظر لغوية ، غالبًا ما يقال أن الأنواع المختلفة من اللغة العربية المنطوقة تختلف فيما بينها بشكل جماعي بقدر ما تختلف اللغات الرومانسية . [64] هذه مقارنة ملائمة بعدة طرق. فترة الاختلاف عن الشكل المنطوق الواحد مماثلة - ربما 1500 سنة للغة العربية و 2000 سنة للغات الرومانسية. أيضًا ، في حين أنه مفهوم للناس المغاربيين ، إلا أن التنوع اللغوي المبتكر مثل العربية المغربية غير مفهومة بشكل أساسي للعرب من المشرق.، بقدر ما تكون اللغة الفرنسية غير مفهومة للمتحدثين بالإسبانية أو الإيطاليين ولكنهم يتعلمونها بسهولة نسبيًا. يشير هذا إلى أن الأنواع المنطوقة يمكن اعتبارها لغويًا لغات منفصلة.
تأثير اللغة العربية على اللغات الأخرى
كان تأثير اللغة العربية أكثر أهمية في البلدان الإسلامية ، لأنها لغة الكتاب الإسلامي المقدس ، القرآن. العربية هي أيضا مصدرا هاما للمفردات لغات مثل الأمهرية ، أذربيجان ، البلوشية ، البنغالية ، البربر ، البوسنية ، الكلدانية ، الشيشان ، Chittagonian ، الكرواتية ، داغستان ، الإنجليزية ، الألمانية ، الغوجاراتية ، الهوسا ، الهندية ، الكازاخستانية ، الكردية ،Kutchi ، قيرغيزستان ، الملايو ( ماليزيا و إندونيسيا )، الباشتو ، الفارسية ، البنجابية ، روهينغيا ، اللغات الرومانسية ( الفرنسية ، التشيكية ، الإيطالية ، البرتغالية ، الصقلية ، الإسبانية ، الخ) Saraiki ، السندية ، الصومالية ، Sylheti ، السواحلية ، التغالوغ ، التغرينية ، التركية، التركمان ، الأردية ، الأويغور ، الأوزبكية ، الفلبيني و الولوف ، فضلا عن لغات أخرى في البلدان التي يتحدث هذه اللغات. [65]
شدد وزير التعليم الفرنسي جان ميشيل بلانكير على تعلم اللغة العربية واستخدامها في المدارس الفرنسية. [66] [67]
In addition, English has many Arabic loanwords, some directly, but most via other Mediterranean languages. Examples of such words include admiral, adobe, alchemy, alcohol, algebra, algorithm, alkaline, almanac, amber, arsenal, assassin, candy, carat, cipher, coffee, cotton, ghoul, hazard, jar, kismet, lemon, loofah, magazine, mattress, sherbet, sofa, sumac, tariff, and zenith.[68] Other languages such as Maltese[69] and Kinubi derive ultimately from Arabic, rather than merely borrowing vocabulary or grammatical rules.
حيث نطاق اقترضت من المصطلحات الدينية (مثل البربر taẓallit ، "الصلاة"، من صلاة ( صلاة صلاح ))، فصول دراسية (مثل اليوغور mentiq "المنطق")، والعناصر الاقتصادية (مثل اللغة الإنجليزية القهوة ) إلى النائبة (مثل الاسباني fulano ، "فلان وفلان") ، المصطلحات اليومية (مثل Hindustani lekin ، "ولكن" ، أو الإسبانية taza و tasse الفرنسية ، والتي تعني "الكأس") ، والتعبيرات (مثل Catalan a betzef ، "وفرة ، في الكمية"). معظم الأصناف البربرية (مثل القبائل), along with Swahili, borrow some numbers from Arabic. Most Islamic religious terms are direct borrowings from Arabic, such as صلاة (salat), "prayer", and إمام (imam), "prayer leader."
In languages not directly in contact with the Arab world, Arabic loanwords are often transferred indirectly via other languages rather than being transferred directly from Arabic. For example, most Arabic loanwords in Hindustani and Turkish entered through Persian. Older Arabic loanwords in Hausa were borrowed from Kanuri.
شقت الكلمات العربية طريقها أيضًا إلى العديد من لغات غرب إفريقيا حيث انتشر الإسلام عبر الصحراء. المتغيرات من الكلمات العربية مثل كتاب كتاب ( "كتاب") لديها انتشار لغات المجموعات الأفريقية الذين ليس لديهم اتصال مباشر مع التجار العرب. [70]
نظرًا لأن اللغة العربية في جميع أنحاء العالم الإسلامي احتلت موقعًا مشابهًا لمكانة اللاتينية في أوروبا ، فإن العديد من المفاهيم العربية في مجالات العلوم والفلسفة والتجارة وما إلى ذلك قد تم صياغتها من الجذور العربية من قبل متحدثين بالعربية من غير الناطقين باللغة العربية ، ولا سيما اللغة الآرامية. والمترجمين الفارسيين ، ثم وجدوا طريقهم إلى لغات أخرى. استمرت عملية استخدام الجذور العربية ، خاصةً اللغتين الكردية والفارسية ، لترجمة المفاهيم الأجنبية حتى القرنين الثامن عشر والتاسع عشر ، عندما كانت مساحات من الأراضي العربية التي يسكنها العرب تحت الحكم العثماني .
تأثير اللغات الأخرى على اللغة العربية
أهم مصادر الاقتراض إلى العربية (قبل الإسلام) هي من اللغات (السامية) ذات الصلة الآرامية ، [71] والتي كانت لغة الاتصال الدولية الرئيسية في جميع أنحاء الشرق الأدنى القديم والشرق الأوسط ، والإثيوبية . وبالإضافة إلى ذلك، دخلت العديد من المصطلحات الثقافية والدينية والسياسية العربية من اللغات الإيرانية ، لا سيما الأوسط الفارسي ، البارثيين ، و(الكلاسيكية) الفارسي، [72] والهيلينية اليونانية ( kīmiyā' ديه كما الأصل اليوناني khymia ، وهذا يعني في تلك اللغة ذوبان المعادن ؛ انظر روجر داتشيز ،Histoire de la Médecine de l'Antiquité au XXe siècle ، Tallandier، 2008، p. 251) ، الإنبيق (المقطر) من الأمبيكس (الكأس) ، التقويم (المناخ) من المينشياكون (التقويم). (للاطلاع على أصل الكلمات الثلاث المستعارة الأخيرة ، انظر ألفريد لويس دي بريمير ، أسس الإسلام ، Seuil ، L'Univers Historique ، 2002). الكتاب:
- madīnah / المدينة المنورة (مدينة ، مدينة أو ساحة مدينة) ، كلمة من أصل آرامي (والتي تعني "دولة")
- الجزيرة (جزيرة)، كما في شكل المعروفة الجزيرة "الجزيرة" وسيلة "الجزيرة" ولها أصلها في السريانية ܓܙܝܪܗ الجزيرة .
- lāzaward (لازورد) مأخوذ من اللغة الفارسية لاژورد lājvard ، اسم الحجر الأزرق، اللازورد. وقد اقترضت هذه الكلمة في العديد من اللغات الأوروبية على أنها تعني (الضوء) الزرقاء - الأزرق السماوي في اللغة الإنجليزية، دازور الفرنسية و أزول باللغة البرتغالية والإسبانية.
توجد نظرة عامة شاملة عن تأثير اللغات الأخرى على اللغة العربية في Lucas & Manfredi (2020). [65]
الأبجدية العربية والقومية
كانت هناك حالات عديدة من الحركات الوطنية لتحويل النص العربي إلى نص لاتيني أو لحروف رومنة للغة. حاليًا ، اللغة المالطية هي اللغة الوحيدة المشتقة من اللغة العربية الفصحى لاستخدام النص اللاتيني .
لبنان
دفعت صحيفة La Syrie البيروتية من أجل التغيير من النص العربي إلى الحروف اللاتينية في عام 1922. وكان الرئيس الرئيسي لهذه الحركة هو لويس ماسينيون ، المستشرق الفرنسي ، الذي أثار قلقه أمام مجمع اللغة العربية في دمشق عام 1928. محاولة ماسينيون للكتابة بالحروف اللاتينية فشلت لأن الأكاديمية والسكان نظروا إلى الاقتراح على أنه محاولة من العالم الغربي للسيطرة على بلادهم. سعيد أفغاني ، عضو الأكاديمية ، ذكر أن حركة كتابة النص بالحروف اللاتينية كانت خطة صهيونية للسيطرة على لبنان. [73] [74]
مصر
After the period of colonialism in Egypt, Egyptians were looking for a way to reclaim and re-emphasize Egyptian culture. As a result, some Egyptians pushed for an Egyptianization of the Arabic language in which the formal Arabic and the colloquial Arabic would be combined into one language and the Latin alphabet would be used.[73][74] There was also the idea of finding a way to use Hieroglyphics instead of the Latin alphabet, but this was seen as too complicated to use.[73][74] A scholar, Salama Musaوافق على فكرة تطبيق الأبجدية اللاتينية على اللغة العربية ، حيث كان يعتقد أن ذلك من شأنه أن يسمح لمصر بإقامة علاقة أوثق مع الغرب. كما أعرب عن اعتقاده أن النص اللاتيني هو مفتاح نجاح مصر لأنه سيسمح بمزيد من التقدم في العلوم والتكنولوجيا. كان يعتقد أن هذا التغيير في الأبجدية من شأنه أن يحل المشاكل المتأصلة في اللغة العربية ، مثل نقص حروف العلة المكتوبة وصعوبة كتابة الكلمات الأجنبية التي تجعل من الصعب على المتحدثين غير الناطقين بها. [73] [74] اتفق المفكران المصريان أحمد لطفي السيد ومحمد عزمي مع موسى وأيدوا الدفع نحو الكتابة بالحروف اللاتينية. [73] [75] The idea that Romanization was necessary for modernization and growth in Egypt continued with Abd Al-Aziz Fahmi in 1944. He was the chairman for the Writing and Grammar Committee for the Arabic Language Academy of Cairo.[73][75] However, this effort failed as the Egyptian people felt a strong cultural tie to the Arabic alphabet.[73][75] In particular, the older Egyptian generations believed that the Arabic alphabet had strong connections to Arab values and history, due to the long history of the Arabic alphabet (Shrivtiel, 189) in Muslim societies.
The language of the Quran and its influence on poetry
في القرآن قدم طريقة جديدة للكتابة على العالم. بدأ الناس في دراسة وتطبيق الأساليب الفريدة التي تعلموها من القرآن ليس فقط في كتاباتهم الخاصة ، ولكن أيضًا على ثقافتهم. درس الكتاب البنية الفريدة للقرآن وشكله من أجل تحديد وتطبيق الأجهزة التصويرية وتأثيرها على القارئ.
أدوات القرآن التصويرية
ألهم القرآن الموسيقى في الشعر من خلال الإيقاع الداخلي للآيات. ترتيب الكلمات ، وكيف تخلق أصوات معينة الانسجام ، واتفاق القوافي يخلق إحساسًا بالإيقاع داخل كل آية. في بعض الأحيان ، لا تشترك سورات القرآن إلا في الإيقاع. [76]
قدم التكرار في القرآن القوة الحقيقية والتأثير الذي يمكن أن يحدثه التكرار في الشعر. إن تكرار بعض الكلمات والعبارات جعلها تبدو أكثر ثباتًا ووضوحًا في القرآن. يستخدم القرآن استعارات مستمرة للعمى والصمم للإيحاء بالكفر. لم تكن الاستعارات مفهوماً جديداً للشعر ، لكن قوة الاستعارات الموسعة كانت كذلك. ألهمت الصور الصريحة في القرآن العديد من الشعراء لتضمين الميزة والتركيز عليها في أعمالهم. كتب الشاعر ابن المعتز كتابا عن شخصيات الكلام مستوحاة من دراسته للقرآن. يعبر شعراء مثل بدر شاكر السياب عن رأيه السياسي في عمله من خلال صور مستوحاة من أشكال أكثر قسوة من الصور المستخدمة في القرآن. [77] يستخدم القرآن أدوات تصويرية للتعبير عن المعنى بأجمل صورة ممكنة. تسمح دراسة الوقفات في القرآن بالإضافة إلى البلاغة الأخرى بالتعامل معها بطرق متعددة. [78]
بنية
على الرغم من أن القرآن تشتهر الطلاقة و الانسجام ، وهيكل يمكن وصفها بأنها أفضل لا يجري دائما ترتيب زمني بطبيعتها، ولكن يمكن أيضا أن يتدفق موضوعيا بدلا من ذلك (الفصول في القرآن لها قطاعات التي تتدفق في الترتيب الزمني، لكن قطاعات يمكن الانتقال إلى الآخر شرائح لا تتعلق بالتسلسل الزمني ، ولكن يمكن أن تكون ذات صلة بالموضوع). و السور ، والمعروف أيضا باسم فصول من القرآن الكريم، لا يتم وضعها في الترتيب الزمني. الثابت الوحيد في هيكلها هو أن الأطول يتم وضعها أولاً ثم يتبعها الأقصر. المواضيع التي نوقشت في الفصول لا يمكن أن يكون لها علاقة مباشرة ببعضها البعض (كما هو موضح في العديد من السور) ويمكن أن تشارك في إحساسهم بالقافية. يعرّف القرآن على الشعر بفكرة ترك النظام وتشتت الروايات في جميع أنحاء النص. التناغم حاضر أيضًا في صوت القرآن. تخلق الاستطالات واللهجات الموجودة في القرآن تدفقًا متناغمًا داخل الكتابة. الصوت الفريد للقرآن الذي يتم تلاوته ، بسبب اللهجات ، يخلق مستوى أعمق من الفهم من خلال اتصال عاطفي أعمق. [77]
القرآن مكتوب بلغة بسيطة ومفهومة من قبل الناس. لقد ألهمت بساطة الكتابة الشعراء اللاحقين للكتابة بأسلوب أكثر وضوحًا ووضوحًا. [77] كلمات القرآن ، بالرغم من عدم تغييرها ، مفهومة حتى يومنا هذا وتستخدم كثيرًا باللغتين العربية الرسمية وغير الرسمية. إن بساطة اللغة تجعل حفظ القرآن وتلاوته مهمة أسهل قليلاً.
الثقافة والقرآن
The writer al-Khattabi explains how culture is a required element to create a sense of art in work as well as understand it. He believes that the fluency and harmony which the Quran possess are not the only elements that make it beautiful and create a bond between the reader and the text. While a lot of poetry was deemed comparable to the Quran in that it is equal to or better than the composition of the Quran, a debate rose that such statements are not possible because humans are incapable of composing work comparable to the Quran.[78] Because the structure of the Quran made it difficult for a clear timeline to be seen, Hadith were the main source of chronological order. The Hadith were passed down from generation to generation and this tradition became a large resource for understanding the context. Poetry after the Quran began possessing this element of tradition by including ambiguity and background information to be required to understand the meaning.[76]
بعد أن نزل القرآن على الناس ، صار تقليد حفظ الآيات حاضرًا. من المعتقد أنه كلما زاد مقدار حفظ القرآن ، زاد الإيمان. مع تحسن التكنولوجيا بمرور الوقت ، أصبح الاستماع إلى تلاوات القرآن متاحًا بشكل أكبر بالإضافة إلى المزيد من الأدوات للمساعدة في حفظ الآيات. كان تقليد شعر الحب بمثابة تمثيل رمزي لرغبة المسلم في الاتصال الوثيق بربه.
في حين أن تأثير القرآن على الشعر العربي قد تم شرحه ودفاعه من قبل العديد من الكتاب ، يعتقد بعض الكتاب مثل البقيلاني أن الشعر والقرآن لا يمكن تصوره بأي شكل من الأشكال بسبب تفرد القرآن. تثبت عيوب الشعر نقاطه التي لا يمكن مقارنتها بطلاقة القرآن.
العربية والاسلام
Classical Arabic is the language of poetry and literature (including news); it is also mainly the language of the Quran. Classical Arabic is closely associated with the religion of Islam because the Quran was written in it. Most of the world's Muslims do not speak Classical Arabic as their native language, but many can read the Quranic script and recite the Quran. Among non-Arab Muslims, translations of the Quran are most often accompanied by the original text. At present, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is also used in modernized versions of literary forms of the Quran.
Some Muslims present a monogenesis of languages and claim that the Arabic language was the language revealed by God for the benefit of mankind and the original language as a prototype system of symbolic communication, based upon its system of triconsonantal roots, spoken by man from which all other languages were derived, having first been corrupted.[79] Judaism has a similar account with the Tower of Babel.
Dialects and descendants
Colloquial Arabic is a collective term for the spoken dialects of Arabic used throughout the Arab world, which differ radically from the literary language. The main dialectal division is between the varieties within and outside of the Arabian peninsula, followed by that between sedentary varieties and the much more conservative Bedouin varieties. All the varieties outside of the Arabian peninsula (which include the large majority of speakers) have many features in common with each other that are not found in Classical Arabic. This has led researchers to postulate the existence of a prestige koine dialect in the one or two centuries immediately following the Arab conquest, whose features eventually spread to all newly conquered areas. These features are present to varying degrees inside the Arabian peninsula. Generally, the Arabian peninsula varieties have much more diversity than the non-peninsula varieties, but these have been understudied.
Within the non-peninsula varieties, the largest difference is between the non-Egyptian North African dialects (especially Moroccan Arabic) and the others. Moroccan Arabic in particular is hardly comprehensible to Arabic speakers east of Libya (although the converse is not true, in part due to the popularity of Egyptian films and other media).
One factor in the differentiation of the dialects is influence from the languages previously spoken in the areas, which have typically provided a significant number of new words and have sometimes also influenced pronunciation or word order; however, a much more significant factor for most dialects is, as among Romance languages, retention (or change of meaning) of different classical forms. Thus Iraqi aku, Levantine fīh and North African kayən all mean 'there is', and all come from Classical Arabic forms (yakūn, fīhi, kā'in respectively), but now sound very different.
Examples
Transcription is a broad IPA transcription, so minor differences were ignored for easier comparison. Also, the pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic differs significantly from region to region.
| Variety | I love reading a lot | When I went to the library | I didn't find this old book | I wanted to read a book about the history of women in France |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| Literary Arabic in Arabic script (common spelling) |
أحب القراءة كثيرا | عندما ذهبت إلى المكتبة | لم أجد هذا الكتاب القديم | كنت أريد أن أقرأ كتابا عن تاريخ المرأة في فرنسا |
| Literary Arabic in Arabic script (with all vowels) |
أُحِبُّ ٱلْقِرَاءَةَ كَثِيرًا | عِنْدَمَا ذَهَبْتُ إِلَى ٱلْمَكْتَبَةِ | لَمْ أَجِد هٰذَا ٱلْكِتَابَ ٱلْقَدِيمَ | كُنْتُ أُرِيدُ أَنْ أَقْرَأَ كِتَابًا عَنْ تَارِيخِ ٱلْمَرْأَةِ فِي فَرَنْسَا |
| Classical Arabic (liturgical or poetic only) |
ʔuħibːu‿lqirˤaːʔata kaθiːrˤaː | ʕĩndamaː ðahabᵊtu ʔila‿lmaktabah | lam ʔaɟidᵊ haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm | kũntu ʔuriːdu ʔan ʔaqᵊrˤaʔa kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarˤʔati fiː farˤãnsaː |
| Modern Standard Arabic | ʔuħibːu‿lqiraːʔa kaθiːran | ʕindamaː ðahabt ʔila‿lmaktaba | lam ʔad͡ʒid haːða‿lkitaːba‿lqadiːm | kunt ʔuriːd ʔan ʔaqraʔ kitaːban ʕan taːriːχi‿lmarʔa fiː faransaː |
| Yemeni Arabic (Sanaa) | ana bajn aħibː ilgiraːji(h) gawi | law ma sirt saˈla‿lmaktabih | ma lige:tʃ ðajji‿lkitaːb ilgadiːm | kunt aʃti ʔagra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmari(h) wastˤ faraːnsa |
| Jordanian Arabic (Amman) | ana baħib ligraːje kθiːr | lamːa ruħt ʕalmaktabe | ma lageːtʃ haliktaːb ilgadiːm | kaːn bidːi ʔaqra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa |
| Gulf Arabic (Kuwait) | aːna waːjid aħibː aɡra | lamːan riħt ilmaktaba | maː liɡeːt halkitaːb ilgadiːm | kint abi‿(j)aɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx ilħariːm‿(i)bfaransa |
| Gələt Mesopotamian (Baghdad) | aːni‿(j)aħub luqraːja kulːiʃ | lamːan riħit lilmaktabˤɛː | maː liɡeːt haːða liktaːb ilgadiːm | ridit aqra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx inːiswaːn‿(u)bfransɛː |
| Hejazi Arabic (Medina) | ana marːa ʔaħubː alɡiraːja | lamːa ruħt almaktaba | ma liɡiːt haːda lkitaːb alɡadiːm | kunt abɣa ʔaɡra kitaːb ʕan taːriːx alħariːm fi faransa |
| Western Syrian Arabic (Damascus) | ana ktiːr bħəb ləʔraːje | lamːa rəħt ʕalmaktabe | ma laʔeːt haləktaːb əlʔadiːm | kaːn badːi ʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx əlmara bfraːnsa |
| Lebanese Arabic (Beirut?) | ana ktiːr bħib liʔreːji | lamːa riħit ʕalmaktabi | ma lʔeːt halikteːb liʔdiːm | keːn badːi ʔra kteːb ʕan teːriːx ilmara bfraːnsa |
| Urban Palestinian (Jerusalem) | ana baħib liʔraːje ktiːr | lamːa ruħt ʕalmaktabe | ma laʔeːtʃ haliktaːb ilʔadiːm | kaːn bidːi ʔaʔra ktaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa |
| Rural Palestinian (West Bank) | ana baħib likraːje kθiːr | lamːa ruħt ʕalmatʃtabe | ma lakeːtʃ halitʃtaːb ilkadiːm | kaːn bidːi ʔakra tʃtaːb ʕan taːriːx ilmara fi faransa |
| Egyptian (metropolitan) | ana baħebː elʔeraːja ʔawi | lamːa roħt elmakˈtaba | malʔetʃ elketaːb elʔadim da | ana kont(e)‿ʕawz‿aʔra ktab ʕan tariːx esːetˈtat fe faransa |
| Libyan Arabic (Tripoli?) | ana nħəb il-ɡraːja halba | lamma mʃeːt lil-maktba | malɡeːtiʃ ha-li-ktaːb lə-ɡdiːm | kunt nibi naɡra ktaːb ʔleː tariːx ə-nsawiːn fi fraːnsa |
| Tunisian (Tunis) | nħib liqraːja barʃa | waqtilli mʃiːt lilmaktba | mal-qiːtʃ ha-likteːb liqdiːm | kʊnt nħib naqra kteːb ʕla terix limra fi fraːnsa |
| Algerian (Algiers?) | āna nħəbb nəqṛa bezzaf | ki ruħt l-əl-măktaba | ma-lqīt-ʃ hād lə-ktāb lə-qdīm | kŭnt ħābb nəqṛa ktāb ʕla tārīx lə-mṛa fi fṛānsa |
| Moroccan (Rabat?) | ana ʕziz ʕlija bzzaf nqra | melli mʃit l-lmaktaba | ma-lqiːt-ʃ had l-ktab l-qdim | kent baɣi nqra ktab ʕla tarix l-mra f-fransa |
| Maltese (Valletta) (in Maltese orthography) |
Inħobb naqra ħafna. | Meta mort il-librerija | Ma sibtx dan il-ktieb qadim. | Ridt naqra ktieb dwar l-istorja tal-mara fi Franza. |
Koiné
According to Charles A. Ferguson,[80] the following are some of the characteristic features of the koiné that underlies all the modern dialects outside the Arabian peninsula. Although many other features are common to most or all of these varieties, Ferguson believes that these features in particular are unlikely to have evolved independently more than once or twice and together suggest the existence of the koine:
- Loss of the dual number except on nouns, with consistent plural agreement (cf. feminine singular agreement in plural inanimates).
- Change of a to i in many affixes (e.g., non-past-tense prefixes ti- yi- ni-; wi- 'and'; il- 'the'; feminine -it in the construct state).
- Loss of third-weak verbs ending in w (which merge with verbs ending in y).
- Reformation of geminate verbs, e.g., ḥalaltu 'I untied' → ḥalēt(u).
- Conversion of separate words lī 'to me', laka 'to you', etc. into indirect-object clitic suffixes.
- Certain changes in the cardinal number system, e.g., khamsat ayyām 'five days' → kham(a)s tiyyām, where certain words have a special plural with prefixed t.
- Loss of the feminine elative (comparative).
- Adjective plurals of the form kibār 'big' → kubār.
- Change of nisba suffix -iyy > i.
- Certain lexical items, e.g., jāb 'bring' < jāʼa bi- 'come with'; shāf 'see'; ēsh 'what' (or similar) < ayyu shayʼ 'which thing'; illi (relative pronoun).
- Merger of /ɮˤ/ and /ðˤ/.
Dialect groups
- Egyptian Arabic is spoken by around 53 million people in Egypt (55 million worldwide).[81] It is one of the most understood varieties of Arabic, due in large part to the widespread distribution of Egyptian films and television shows throughout the Arabic-speaking world
- Levantine Arabic includes North Levantine Arabic, South Levantine Arabic and Cypriot Arabic. It is spoken by about 21 million people in Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Palestine, Israel, Cyprus and Turkey.
- Lebanese Arabic is a variety of Levantine Arabic spoken primarily in Lebanon.
- Jordanian Arabic is a continuum of mutually intelligible varieties of Levantine Arabic spoken by the population of the Kingdom of Jordan.
- Palestinian Arabic is a name of several dialects of the subgroup of Levantine Arabic spoken by the Palestinians in Palestine, by Arab citizens of Israel and in most Palestinian populations around the world.
- Samaritan Arabic, spoken by only several hundred in the Nablus region
- Cypriot Maronite Arabic, spoken in Cyprus
- Maghrebi Arabic, also called "Darija" spoken by about 70 million people in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia and Libya. It also forms the basis of Maltese via the extinct Sicilian Arabic dialect.[82] Maghrebi Arabic is very hard to understand for Arabic speakers from the Mashriq or Mesopotamia, the most comprehensible being Libyan Arabic and the most difficult Moroccan Arabic. The others such as Algerian Arabic can be considered in between the two in terms of difficulty.
- Libyan Arabic spoken in Libya and neighboring countries.
- Tunisian Arabic spoken in Tunisia and North-eastern Algeria
- Algerian Arabic spoken in Algeria
- Judeo-Algerian Arabic was spoken by Jews in Algeria until 1962
- Moroccan Arabic spoken in Morocco
- Hassaniya Arabic (3 million speakers), spoken in Mauritania, Western Sahara, some parts of the Azawad in northern Mali, southern Morocco and south-western Algeria.
- Andalusian Arabic, spoken in Spain until the 16th century.
- Siculo-Arabic (Sicilian Arabic), was spoken in Sicily and Malta between the end of the 9th century and the end of the 12th century and eventually evolved into the Maltese language.
- Maltese, spoken on the island of Malta, is the only fully separate standardized language to have originated from an Arabic dialect (the extinct Siculo-Arabic dialect), with independent literary norms. Maltese has evolved independently of Literary Arabic and its varieties into a standardized language over the past 800 years in a gradual process of Latinisation.[83][84] Maltese is therefore considered an exceptional descendant of Arabic that has no diglossic relationship with Standard Arabic or Classical Arabic.[85] Maltese is also different from Arabic and other Semitic languages since its morphology has been deeply influenced by Romance languages, Italian and Sicilian.[86] It is also the only Semitic language written in the Latin script. In terms of basic everyday language, speakers of Maltese are reported to be able to understand less than a third of what is said to them in Tunisian Arabic,[87] which is related to Siculo-Arabic,[82] whereas speakers of Tunisian are able to understand about 40% of what is said to them in Maltese.[88] This asymmetric intelligibility is considerably lower than the mutual intelligibility found between Maghrebi Arabic dialects.[89] Maltese has its own dialects, with urban varieties of Maltese being closer to Standard Maltese than rural varieties.[90]
- Mesopotamian Arabic, spoken by about 41.2 million people in Iraq (where it is called "Aamiyah"), eastern Syria and southwestern Iran (Khuzestan) and in the southeastern of Turkey (in the eastern Mediterranean, Southeastern Anatolia Region)
- North Mesopotamian Arabic is a spoken north of the Hamrin Mountains in Iraq, in western Iran, northern Syria, and in southeastern Turkey (in the eastern Mediterranean Region, Southeastern Anatolia Region, and southern Eastern Anatolia Region).[91]
- Judeo-Mesopotamian Arabic, also known as Iraqi Judeo Arabic and Yahudic, is a variety of Arabic spoken by Iraqi Jews of Mosul.
- Baghdad Arabic is the Arabic dialect spoken in Baghdad, and the surrounding cities and it is a subvariety of Mesopotamian Arabic.
- Baghdad Jewish Arabic is the dialect spoken by the Iraqi Jews of Baghdad.
- South Mesopotamian Arabic (Basrawi dialect) is the dialect spoken in southern Iraq, such as Basra, Dhi Qar and Najaf. [92]
- Khuzestani Arabic is the dialect spoken in the Iranian province of Khuzestan. This dialect is a mix of Southen Mesopotamian Arabic and Gulf Arabic.
- Khorasani Arabic spoken in the Iranian province of Khorasan.
- Kuwaiti Arabic is a Gulf Arabic dialect spoken in Kuwait.
- Sudanese Arabic is spoken by 17 million people in Sudan and some parts of southern Egypt. Sudanese Arabic is quite distinct from the dialect of its neighbor to the north; rather, the Sudanese have a dialect similar to the Hejazi dialect.
- Juba Arabic spoken in South Sudan and southern Sudan
- Gulf Arabic, spoken by around four million people, predominantly in Kuwait, Bahrain, some parts of Oman, eastern Saudi Arabia coastal areas and some parts of UAE and Qatar. Also spoken in Iran's Bushehr and Hormozgan provinces. Although Gulf Arabic is spoken in Qatar, most Qatari citizens speak Najdi Arabic (Bedawi).
- Omani Arabic, distinct from the Gulf Arabic of Eastern Arabia and Bahrain, spoken in Central Oman. With recent oil wealth and mobility has spread over other parts of the Sultanate.
- Hadhrami Arabic, spoken by around 8 million people, predominantly in Hadhramaut, and in parts of the Arabian Peninsula, South and Southeast Asia, and East Africa by Hadhrami descendants.
- Yemeni Arabic spoken in Yemen, and southern Saudi Arabia by 15 million people. Similar to Gulf Arabic.
- Najdi Arabic, spoken by around 10 million people, mainly spoken in Najd, central and northern Saudi Arabia. Most Qatari citizens speak Najdi Arabic (Bedawi).
- Hejazi Arabic (6 million speakers), spoken in Hejaz, western Saudi Arabia
- Saharan Arabic spoken in some parts of Algeria, Niger and Mali
- Baharna Arabic (600,000 speakers), spoken by Bahrani Shiʻah in Bahrain and Qatif, the dialect exhibits many big differences from Gulf Arabic. It is also spoken to a lesser extent in Oman.
- Judeo-Arabic dialects – these are the dialects spoken by the Jews that had lived or continue to live in the Arab World. As Jewish migration to Israel took hold, the language did not thrive and is now considered endangered. So-called Qəltu Arabic.
- Chadian Arabic, spoken in Chad, Sudan, some parts of South Sudan, Central African Republic, Niger, Nigeria, Cameroon
- Central Asian Arabic, spoken in Uzbekistan, Tajikistan and Afghanistan, is highly endangered
- Shirvani Arabic, spoken in Azerbaijan and Dagestan until the 1930s, now extinct.
Phonology
History
Of the 29 Proto-Semitic consonants, only one has been lost: */ʃ/, which merged with /s/, while /ɬ/ became /ʃ/ (see Semitic languages).[93] Various other consonants have changed their sound too, but have remained distinct. An original */p/ lenited to /f/, and */ɡ/ – consistently attested in pre-Islamic Greek transcription of Arabic languages[94] – became palatalized to /ɡʲ/ or /ɟ/ by the time of the Quran and /d͡ʒ/, /ɡ/, /ʒ/ or /ɟ/ after early Muslim conquests and in MSA (see Arabic phonology#Local variations for more detail).[95] An original voiceless alveolar lateral fricative */ɬ/ became /ʃ/.[96] Its emphatic counterpart /ɬˠ~ɮˤ/ was considered by Arabs to be the most unusual sound in Arabic (Hence the Classical Arabic's appellation لُغَةُ ٱلضَّادِ lughat al-ḍād or "language of the ḍād"); for most modern dialects, it has become an emphatic stop /dˤ/ with loss of the laterality[96] or with complete loss of any pharyngealization or velarization, /d/. (The classical ḍād pronunciation of pharyngealization /ɮˤ/ still occurs in the Mehri language, and the similar sound without velarization, /ɮ/, exists in other Modern South Arabian languages.)
Other changes may also have happened. Classical Arabic pronunciation is not thoroughly recorded and different reconstructions of the sound system of Proto-Semitic propose different phonetic values. One example is the emphatic consonants, which are pharyngealized in modern pronunciations but may have been velarized in the eighth century and glottalized in Proto-Semitic.[96]
Reduction of /j/ and /w/ between vowels occurs in a number of circumstances and is responsible for much of the complexity of third-weak ("defective") verbs. Early Akkadian transcriptions of Arabic names shows that this reduction had not yet occurred as of the early part of the 1st millennium BC.
The Classical Arabic language as recorded was a poetic koine that reflected a consciously archaizing dialect, chosen based on the tribes of the western part of the Arabian Peninsula, who spoke the most conservative variants of Arabic. Even at the time of Muhammed and before, other dialects existed with many more changes, including the loss of most glottal stops, the loss of case endings, the reduction of the diphthongs /aj/ and /aw/ into monophthongs /eː, oː/, etc. Most of these changes are present in most or all modern varieties of Arabic.
An interesting feature of the writing system of the Quran (and hence of Classical Arabic) is that it contains certain features of Muhammad's native dialect of Mecca, corrected through diacritics into the forms of standard Classical Arabic. Among these features visible under the corrections are the loss of the glottal stop and a differing development of the reduction of certain final sequences containing /j/: Evidently, final /-awa/ became /aː/ as in the Classical language, but final /-aja/ became a different sound, possibly /eː/ (rather than again /aː/ in the Classical language). This is the apparent source of the alif maqṣūrah 'restricted alif' where a final /-aja/ is reconstructed: a letter that would normally indicate /j/ or some similar high-vowel sound, but is taken in this context to be a logical variant of alif and represent the sound /aː/.
Although Classical Arabic was a unitary language and is now used in Quran, its pronunciation varies somewhat from country to country and from region to region within a country. It is influenced by colloquial dialects.
Literary Arabic
The "colloquial" spoken dialects of Arabic are learned at home and constitute the native languages of Arabic speakers. "Formal" Literary Arabic (usually specifically Modern Standard Arabic) is learned at school; although many speakers have a native-like command of the language, it is technically not the native language of any speakers. Both varieties can be both written and spoken, although the colloquial varieties are rarely written down and the formal variety is spoken mostly in formal circumstances, e.g., in radio and TV broadcasts, formal lectures, parliamentary discussions and to some extent between speakers of different colloquial dialects. Even when the literary language is spoken, however, it is normally only spoken in its pure form when reading a prepared text out loud and communication between speakers of different colloquial dialects. When speaking extemporaneously (i.e. making up the language on the spot, as in a normal discussion among people), speakers tend to deviate somewhat from the strict literary language in the direction of the colloquial varieties. In fact, there is a continuous range of "in-between" spoken varieties: from nearly pure Modern Standard Arabic (MSA), to a form that still uses MSA grammar and vocabulary but with significant colloquial influence, to a form of the colloquial language that imports a number of words and grammatical constructions in MSA, to a form that is close to pure colloquial but with the "rough edges" (the most noticeably "vulgar" or non-Classical aspects) smoothed out, to pure colloquial. The particular variant (or register) used depends on the social class and education level of the speakers involved and the level of formality of the speech situation. Often it will vary within a single encounter, e.g., moving from nearly pure MSA to a more mixed language in the process of a radio interview, as the interviewee becomes more comfortable with the interviewer. This type of variation is characteristic of the diglossia that exists throughout the Arabic-speaking world.
Although Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is a unitary language, its pronunciation varies somewhat from country to country and from region to region within a country. The variation in individual "accents" of MSA speakers tends to mirror corresponding variations in the colloquial speech of the speakers in question, but with the distinguishing characteristics moderated somewhat. It is important in descriptions of "Arabic" phonology to distinguish between pronunciation of a given colloquial (spoken) dialect and the pronunciation of MSA by these same speakers. Although they are related, they are not the same. For example, the phoneme that derives from Classical Arabic /ɟ/ has many different pronunciations in the modern spoken varieties, e.g., [d͡ʒ ~ ʒ ~ j ~ ɡʲ ~ ɡ] including the proposed original [ɟ]. Speakers whose native variety has either [d͡ʒ] or [ʒ] will use the same pronunciation when speaking MSA. Even speakers from Cairo, whose native Egyptian Arabic has [ɡ], normally use [ɡ] when speaking MSA. The [j] of Persian Gulf speakers is the only variant pronunciation which isn't found in MSA; [d͡ʒ~ʒ] is used instead, but may use [j] in MSA for comfortable pronunciation. Another reason of different pronunciations is influence of colloquial dialects. The differentiation of pronunciation of colloquial dialects is the influence from other languages previously spoken and some still presently spoken in the regions, such as Coptic in Egypt, Berber, Punic, or Phoenician in North Africa, Himyaritic, Modern South Arabian, and Old South Arabian in Yemen and Oman, and Aramaic and Canaanite languages (including Phoenician) in the Levant and Mesopotamia.
Another example: Many colloquial varieties are known for a type of vowel harmony in which the presence of an "emphatic consonant" triggers backed allophones of nearby vowels (especially of the low vowels /aː/, which are backed to [ɑ(ː)] in these circumstances and very often fronted to [æ(ː)] in all other circumstances). In many spoken varieties, the backed or "emphatic" vowel allophones spread a fair distance in both directions from the triggering consonant; in some varieties (most notably Egyptian Arabic), the "emphatic" allophones spread throughout the entire word, usually including prefixes and suffixes, even at a distance of several syllables from the triggering consonant. Speakers of colloquial varieties with this vowel harmony tend to introduce it into their MSA pronunciation as well, but usually with a lesser degree of spreading than in the colloquial varieties. (For example, speakers of colloquial varieties with extremely long-distance harmony may allow a moderate, but not extreme, amount of spreading of the harmonic allophones in their MSA speech, while speakers of colloquial varieties with moderate-distance harmony may only harmonize immediately adjacent vowels in MSA.)
Vowels
Modern Standard Arabic has six pure vowels (while most modern dialects have eight pure vowels which includes the long vowels /eː oː/), with short /a i u/ and corresponding long vowels /aː iː uː/. There are also two diphthongs: /aj/ and /aw/.
The pronunciation of the vowels differs from speaker to speaker, in a way that tends to reflect the pronunciation of the corresponding colloquial variety. Nonetheless, there are some common trends. Most noticeable is the differing pronunciation of /a/ and /aː/, which tend towards fronted [æ(ː)], [a(ː)] or [ɛ(ː)] in most situations, but a back [ɑ(ː)] in the neighborhood of emphatic consonants. Some accents and dialects, such as those of the Hejaz region, have an open [a(ː)] or a central [ä(ː)] in all situations. The vowel /a/ varies towards [ə(ː)] too. Listen to the final vowel in the recording of al-ʻarabiyyah at the beginning of this article, for example. The point is, Arabic has only three short vowel phonemes, so those phonemes can have a very wide range of allophones. The vowels /u/ and /ɪ/ are often affected somewhat in emphatic neighborhoods as well, with generally more back or centralized allophones, but the differences are less great than for the low vowels. The pronunciation of short /u/ and /i/ tends towards [ʊ~o] and [i~e~ɨ], respectively, in many dialects.
The definition of both "emphatic" and "neighborhood" vary in ways that reflect (to some extent) corresponding variations in the spoken dialects. Generally, the consonants triggering "emphatic" allophones are the pharyngealized consonants /tˤ dˤ sˤ ðˤ/; /q/; and /r/, if not followed immediately by /i(ː)/. Frequently, the velar fricatives /x ɣ/ also trigger emphatic allophones; occasionally also the pharyngeal consonants /ʕ ħ/ (the former more than the latter). Many dialects have multiple emphatic allophones of each vowel, depending on the particular nearby consonants. In most MSA accents, emphatic coloring of vowels is limited to vowels immediately adjacent to a triggering consonant, although in some it spreads a bit farther: e.g., وقت waqt [wɑqt] 'time'; وطن waṭan [wɑtˤɑn] 'homeland'; وسط المدينة wasṭ al-madīnah [wæstˤ ɑl mædiːnɐ] 'downtown' (sometimes [wɑstˤ ɑl mædiːnæ] or similar).
In a non-emphatic environment, the vowel /a/ in the diphthong /aj/ tends to be fronted even more than elsewhere, often pronounced [æj] or [ɛj]: hence سيف sayf [sajf ~ sæjf ~ sɛjf] 'sword' but صيف ṣayf [sˤɑjf] 'summer'. However, in accents with no emphatic allophones of /a/ (e.g., in the Hejaz), the pronunciation [aj] or [äj] occurs in all situations.
Consonants
| Labial | Dental | Denti-alveolar | Post-alv./ Palatal |
Velar | Uvular | Pharyngeal | Glottal | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| plain | emphatic | |||||||||
| Nasal | m | n | ||||||||
| Stop | voiceless | t | tˤ | k | q | ʔ | ||||
| voiced | b | d | dˤ | d͡ʒ | ||||||
| Fricative | voiceless | f | θ | s | sˤ | ʃ | x ~ χ | ħ | ||
| voiced | ð | z | ðˤ | ɣ ~ ʁ | ʕ | ɦ | ||||
| Trill | r | |||||||||
| Approximant | l | (ɫ) | j | w | ||||||
The phoneme /d͡ʒ/ is represented by the Arabic letter jīm (ج) and has many standard pronunciations. [d͡ʒ] is characteristic of north Algeria, Iraq, and most of the Arabian peninsula but with an allophonic [ʒ] in some positions; [ʒ] occurs in most of the Levant and most of North Africa; and [ɡ] is used in most of Egypt and some regions in Yemen and Oman. Generally this corresponds with the pronunciation in the colloquial dialects.[97] In some regions in Sudan and Yemen, as well as in some Sudanese and Yemeni dialects, it may be either [ɡʲ] or [ɟ], representing the original pronunciation of Classical Arabic. Foreign words containing /ɡ/ may be transcribed with ج, غ, ك, ق, گ, ݣ or ڨ, mainly depending on the regional spoken variety of Arabic or the commonly diacriticized Arabic letter. In northern Egypt, where the Arabic letter jīm (ج) is normally pronounced [ɡ], a separate phoneme /ʒ/, which may be transcribed with چ, occurs in a small number of mostly non-Arabic loanwords, e.g., /ʒakitta/ 'jacket'.
/θ/ (ث) can be pronounced as [s]. In some places of Maghreb it can be also pronounced as [t͡s].
/x/ and /ɣ/ (خ, غ) are velar, post-velar, or uvular.[98]
In many varieties, /ħ, ʕ/ (ح, ع) are epiglottal [ʜ, ʢ] in Western Asia.
/l/ is pronounced as velarized [ɫ] in الله /ʔallaːh/, the name of God, q.e. Allah, when the word follows a, ā, u or ū (after i or ī it is unvelarized: بسم الله bismi l–lāh /bismillaːh/). Some speakers velarize other occurrences of /l/ in MSA, in imitation of their spoken dialects.
The emphatic consonant /dˤ/ was actually pronounced [ɮˤ], or possibly [d͡ɮˤ][99]—either way, a highly unusual sound. The medieval Arabs actually termed their language lughat al-ḍād 'the language of the Ḍād' (the name of the letter used for this sound), since they thought the sound was unique to their language. (In fact, it also exists in a few other minority Semitic languages, e.g., Mehri.)
Arabic has consonants traditionally termed "emphatic" /tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ/ (ط, ض, ص, ظ), which exhibit simultaneous pharyngealization [tˤ, dˤ, sˤ, ðˤ] as well as varying degrees of velarization [tˠ, dˠ, sˠ, ðˠ] (depending on the region), so they may be written with the "Velarized or pharyngealized" diacritic ( ̴) as: /t̴, d̴, s̴, ð̴/. This simultaneous articulation is described as "Retracted Tongue Root" by phonologists.[100] In some transcription systems, emphasis is shown by capitalizing the letter, for example, /dˤ/ is written ⟨D⟩; in others the letter is underlined or has a dot below it, for example, ⟨ḍ⟩.
Vowels and consonants can be phonologically short or long. Long (geminate) consonants are normally written doubled in Latin transcription (i.e. bb, dd, etc.), reflecting the presence of the Arabic diacritic mark shaddah, which indicates doubled consonants. In actual pronunciation, doubled consonants are held twice as long as short consonants. This consonant lengthening is phonemically contrastive: قبل qabila 'he accepted' vs. قبّل qabbala 'he kissed'.
Syllable structure
Arabic has two kinds of syllables: open syllables (CV) and (CVV)—and closed syllables (CVC), (CVVC) and (CVCC). The syllable types with two morae (units of time), i.e. CVC and CVV, are termed heavy syllables, while those with three morae, i.e. CVVC and CVCC, are superheavy syllables. Superheavy syllables in Classical Arabic occur in only two places: at the end of the sentence (due to pausal pronunciation) and in words such as حارّ ḥārr 'hot', مادّة māddah 'stuff, substance', تحاجوا taḥājjū 'they disputed with each other', where a long ā occurs before two identical consonants (a former short vowel between the consonants has been lost). (In less formal pronunciations of Modern Standard Arabic, superheavy syllables are common at the end of words or before clitic suffixes such as -nā 'us, our', due to the deletion of final short vowels.)
In surface pronunciation, every vowel must be preceded by a consonant (which may include the glottal stop [ʔ]). There are no cases of hiatus within a word (where two vowels occur next to each other, without an intervening consonant). Some words do have an underlying vowel at the beginning, such as the definite article al- or words such as اشترا ishtarā 'he bought', اجتماع ijtimāʻ 'meeting'. When actually pronounced, one of three things happens:
- If the word occurs after another word ending in a consonant, there is a smooth transition from final consonant to initial vowel, e.g., الاجتماع al-ijtimāʻ 'meeting' /alid͡ʒtimaːʕ/.
- If the word occurs after another word ending in a vowel, the initial vowel of the word is elided, e.g., بيت المدير baytu (a)l-mudīr 'house of the director' /bajtulmudiːr/.
- If the word occurs at the beginning of an utterance, a glottal stop [ʔ] is added onto the beginning, e.g., البيت هو al-baytu huwa ... 'The house is ...' /ʔalbajtuhuwa ... /.
Stress
Word stress is not phonemically contrastive in Standard Arabic. It bears a strong relationship to vowel length. The basic rules for Modern Standard Arabic are:
- A final vowel, long or short, may not be stressed.
- Only one of the last three syllables may be stressed.
- Given this restriction, the last heavy syllable (containing a long vowel or ending in a consonant) is stressed, if it is not the final syllable.
- If the final syllable is super heavy and closed (of the form CVVC or CVCC) it receives stress.
- If no syllable is heavy or super heavy, the first possible syllable (i.e. third from end) is stressed.
- As a special exception, in Form VII and VIII verb forms stress may not be on the first syllable, despite the above rules: Hence inkatab(a) 'he subscribed' (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), yankatib(u) 'he subscribes' (whether or not the final short vowel is pronounced), yankatib 'he should subscribe (juss.)'. Likewise Form VIII ishtarā 'he bought', yashtarī 'he buys'.
Examples:kitāb(un) 'book', kā-ti-b(un) 'writer', mak-ta-b(un) 'desk', ma-kā-ti-b(u) 'desks', mak-ta-ba-tun 'library' (but mak-ta-ba(-tun) 'library' in short pronunciation), ka-ta-bū (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they wrote' = ka-ta-bu (dialect), ka-ta-bū-h(u) (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they wrote it' = ka-ta-bū (dialect), ka-ta-ba-tā (Modern Standard Arabic) 'they (dual, fem) wrote', ka-tab-tu (Modern Standard Arabic) 'I wrote' = ka-tabt (short form or dialect). Doubled consonants count as two consonants: ma-jal-la-(tan) 'magazine', ma-ḥall(-un) "place".
These rules may result in differently stressed syllables when final case endings are pronounced, vs. the normal situation where they are not pronounced, as in the above example of mak-ta-ba-tun 'library' in full pronunciation, but mak-ta-ba(-tun) 'library' in short pronunciation.
The restriction on final long vowels does not apply to the spoken dialects, where original final long vowels have been shortened and secondary final long vowels have arisen from loss of original final -hu/hi.
Some dialects have different stress rules. In the Cairo (Egyptian Arabic) dialect a heavy syllable may not carry stress more than two syllables from the end of a word, hence mad-ra-sah 'school', qā-hi-rah 'Cairo'. This also affects the way that Modern Standard Arabic is pronounced in Egypt. In the Arabic of Sanaa, stress is often retracted: bay-tayn 'two houses', mā-sat-hum 'their table', ma-kā-tīb 'desks', zā-rat-ḥīn 'sometimes', mad-ra-sat-hum 'their school'. (In this dialect, only syllables with long vowels or diphthongs are considered heavy; in a two-syllable word, the final syllable can be stressed only if the preceding syllable is light; and in longer words, the final syllable cannot be stressed.)
Levels of pronunciation
The final short vowels (e.g., the case endings -a -i -u and mood endings -u -a) are often not pronounced in this language, despite forming part of the formal paradigm of nouns and verbs. The following levels of pronunciation exist:
Full pronunciation with pausa
This is the most formal level actually used in speech. All endings are pronounced as written, except at the end of an utterance, where the following changes occur:
- Final short vowels are not pronounced. (But possibly an exception is made for feminine plural -na and shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., irmi! 'throw!'".)
- The entire indefinite noun endings -in and -un (with nunation) are left off. The ending -an is left off of nouns preceded by a tāʾ marbūṭah ة (i.e. the -t in the ending -at- that typically marks feminine nouns), but pronounced as -ā in other nouns (hence its writing in this fashion in the Arabic script).
- The tāʼ marbūṭah itself (typically of feminine nouns) is pronounced as h. (At least, this is the case in extremely formal pronunciation, e.g., some Quranic recitations. In practice, this h is usually omitted.)
Formal short pronunciation
This is a formal level of pronunciation sometimes seen. It is somewhat like pronouncing all words as if they were in pausal position (with influence from the colloquial varieties). The following changes occur:
- Most final short vowels are not pronounced. However, the following short vowels are pronounced:
- feminine plural -na
- shortened vowels in the jussive/imperative of defective verbs, e.g., irmi! 'throw!'
- second-person singular feminine past-tense -ti and likewise anti 'you (fem. sg.)'
- sometimes, first-person singular past-tense -tu
- sometimes, second-person masculine past-tense -ta and likewise anta 'you (masc. sg.)'
- final -a in certain short words, e.g., laysa 'is not', sawfa (future-tense marker)
- The nunation endings -an -in -un are not pronounced. However, they are pronounced in adverbial accusative formations, e.g., taqrīban تَقْرِيبًا 'almost, approximately', ʻādatan عَادَةً 'usually'.
- The tāʾ marbūṭah ending ة is unpronounced, except in construct state nouns, where it sounds as t (and in adverbial accusative constructions, e.g., ʻādatan عَادَةً 'usually', where the entire -tan is pronounced).
- The masculine singular nisbah ending -iyy is actually pronounced -ī and is unstressed (but plural and feminine singular forms, i.e. when followed by a suffix, still sound as -iyy-).
- Full endings (including case endings) occur when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., -nā 'us/our').
Informal short pronunciation
This is the pronunciation used by speakers of Modern Standard Arabic in extemporaneous speech, i.e. when producing new sentences rather than simply reading a prepared text. It is similar to formal short pronunciation except that the rules for dropping final vowels apply even when a clitic suffix is added. Basically, short-vowel case and mood endings are never pronounced and certain other changes occur that echo the corresponding colloquial pronunciations. Specifically:
- All the rules for formal short pronunciation apply, except as follows.
- The past tense singular endings written formally as -tu -ta -ti are pronounced -t -t -ti. But masculine ʾanta is pronounced in full.
- Unlike in formal short pronunciation, the rules for dropping or modifying final endings are also applied when a clitic object or possessive suffix is added (e.g., -nā 'us/our'). If this produces a sequence of three consonants, then one of the following happens, depending on the speaker's native colloquial variety:
- A short vowel (e.g., -i- or -ǝ-) is consistently added, either between the second and third or the first and second consonants.
- Or, a short vowel is added only if an otherwise unpronounceable sequence occurs, typically due to a violation of the sonority hierarchy (e.g., -rtn- is pronounced as a three-consonant cluster, but -trn- needs to be broken up).
- Or, a short vowel is never added, but consonants like r l m n occurring between two other consonants will be pronounced as a syllabic consonant (as in the English words "butter bottle bottom button").
- When a doubled consonant occurs before another consonant (or finally), it is often shortened to a single consonant rather than a vowel added. (However, Moroccan Arabic never shortens doubled consonants or inserts short vowels to break up clusters, instead tolerating arbitrary-length series of arbitrary consonants and hence Moroccan Arabic speakers are likely to follow the same rules in their pronunciation of Modern Standard Arabic.)
- The clitic suffixes themselves tend also to be changed, in a way that avoids many possible occurrences of three-consonant clusters. In particular, -ka -ki -hu generally sound as -ak -ik -uh.
- Final long vowels are often shortened, merging with any short vowels that remain.
- Depending on the level of formality, the speaker's education level, etc., various grammatical changes may occur in ways that echo the colloquial variants:
- Any remaining case endings (e.g. masculine plural nominative -ūn vs. oblique -īn) will be leveled, with the oblique form used everywhere. (However, in words like ab 'father' and akh 'brother' with special long-vowel case endings in the construct state, the nominative is used everywhere, hence abū 'father of', akhū 'brother of'.)
- Feminine plural endings in verbs and clitic suffixes will often drop out, with the masculine plural endings used instead. If the speaker's native variety has feminine plural endings, they may be preserved, but will often be modified in the direction of the forms used in the speaker's native variety, e.g. -an instead of -na.
- Dual endings will often drop out except on nouns and then used only for emphasis (similar to their use in the colloquial varieties); elsewhere, the plural endings are used (or feminine singular, if appropriate).
Colloquial varieties
Vowels
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As mentioned above, many spoken dialects have a process of emphasis spreading, where the "emphasis" (pharyngealization) of emphatic consonants spreads forward and back through adjacent syllables, pharyngealizing all nearby consonants and triggering the back allophone [ɑ(ː)] in all nearby low vowels. The extent of emphasis spreading varies. For example, in Moroccan Arabic, it spreads as far as the first full vowel (i.e. sound derived from a long vowel or diphthong) on either side; in many Levantine dialects, it spreads indefinitely, but is blocked by any /j/ or /ʃ/; while in Egyptian Arabic, it usually spreads throughout the entire word, including prefixes and suffixes. In Moroccan Arabic, /i u/ also have emphatic allophones [e~ɛ] and [o~ɔ], respectively.
Unstressed short vowels, especially /i u/, are deleted in many contexts. Many sporadic examples of short vowel change have occurred (especially /a/→/i/ and interchange /i/↔/u/). Most Levantine dialects merge short /i u/ into /ə/ in most contexts (all except directly before a single final consonant). In Moroccan Arabic, on the other hand, short /u/ triggers labialization of nearby consonants (especially velar consonants and uvular consonants), and then short /a i u/ all merge into /ə/, which is deleted in many contexts. (The labialization plus /ə/ is sometimes interpreted as an underlying phoneme /ŭ/.) This essentially causes the wholesale loss of the short-long vowel distinction, with the original long vowels /aː iː uː/ remaining as half-long [aˑ iˑ uˑ], phonemically /a i u/, which are used to represent both short and long vowels in borrowings from Literary Arabic.
Most spoken dialects have monophthongized original /aj aw/ to /eː oː/ in most circumstances, including adjacent to emphatic consonants, while keeping them as the original diphthongs in others e.g. مَوْعِد /mawʕid/. In most of the Moroccan, Algerian and Tunisian (except Sahel and Southeastern) Arabic dialects, they have subsequently merged into original /iː uː/.
Consonants
In most dialects, there may be more or fewer phonemes than those listed in the chart above. For example, [g] is considered a native phoneme in most Arabic dialects except in Levantine dialects like Syrian or Lebanese where ج is pronounced [ʒ] and ق is pronounced [ʔ]. [d͡ʒ] or [ʒ] (ج) is considered a native phoneme in most dialects except in Egyptian and a number of Yemeni and Omani dialects where ج is pronounced [g]. [zˤ] or [ðˤ] and [dˤ] are distinguished in the dialects of Egypt, Sudan, the Levant and the Hejaz, but they have merged as [ðˤ] in most dialects of the Arabian Peninsula, Iraq and Tunisia and have merged as [dˤ] in Morocco and Algeria. The usage of non-native [p] پ and [v] ڤ depends on the usage of each speaker but they might be more prevalent in some dialects than others. The Iraqi and Gulf Arabic also has the sound [t͡ʃ] and writes it and [ɡ] with the Persian letters چ and گ, as in گوجة gawjah "plum"; چمة chimah "truffle".
Early in the expansion of Arabic, the separate emphatic phonemes [ɮˤ] and [ðˤ] coalesced into a single phoneme [ðˤ]. Many dialects (such as Egyptian, Levantine, and much of the Maghreb) subsequently lost interdental fricatives, converting [θ ð ðˤ] into [t d dˤ]. Most dialects borrow "learned" words from the Standard language using the same pronunciation as for inherited words, but some dialects without interdental fricatives (particularly in Egypt and the Levant) render original [θ ð ðˤ dˤ] in borrowed words as [s z zˤ dˤ].
Another key distinguishing mark of Arabic dialects is how they render the original velar and uvular plosives /q/, /d͡ʒ/ (Proto-Semitic /ɡ/), and /k/:
- ق /q/ retains its original pronunciation in widely scattered regions such as Yemen, Morocco, and urban areas of the Maghreb. It is pronounced as a glottal stop [ʔ] in several prestige dialects, such as those spoken in Cairo, Beirut and Damascus. But it is rendered as a voiced velar plosive [ɡ] in Persian Gulf, Upper Egypt, parts of the Maghreb, and less urban parts of the Levant (e.g. Jordan). In Iraqi Arabic it sometimes retains its original pronunciation and is sometimes rendered as a voiced velar plosive, depending on the word. Some traditionally Christian villages in rural areas of the Levant render the sound as [k], as do Shiʻi Bahrainis. In some Gulf dialects, it is palatalized to [d͡ʒ] or [ʒ]. It is pronounced as a voiced uvular constrictive [ʁ] in Sudanese Arabic. Many dialects with a modified pronunciation for /q/ maintain the [q] pronunciation in certain words (often with religious or educational overtones) borrowed from the Classical language.
- ج /d͡ʒ/ is pronounced as an affricate in Iraq and much of the Arabian Peninsula but is pronounced [ɡ] in most of North Egypt and parts of Yemen and Oman, [ʒ] in Morocco, Tunisia, and the Levant, and [j], [i̠] in most words in much of the Persian Gulf.
- ك /k/ usually retains its original pronunciation but is palatalized to /t͡ʃ/ in many words in Israel and the Palestinian Territories, Iraq, and countries in the eastern part of the Arabian Peninsula. Often a distinction is made between the suffixes /-ak/ ('you', masc.) and /-ik/ ('you', fem.), which become /-ak/ and /-it͡ʃ/, respectively. In Sana'a, Omani, and Bahrani /-ik/ is pronounced /-iʃ/.
Pharyngealization of the emphatic consonants tends to weaken in many of the spoken varieties, and to spread from emphatic consonants to nearby sounds. In addition, the "emphatic" allophone [ɑ] automatically triggers pharyngealization of adjacent sounds in many dialects. As a result, it may difficult or impossible to determine whether a given coronal consonant is phonemically emphatic or not, especially in dialects with long-distance emphasis spreading. (A notable exception is the sounds /t/ vs. /tˤ/ in Moroccan Arabic, because the former is pronounced as an affricate [t͡s] but the latter is not.)
Grammar
Literary Arabic
As in other Semitic languages, Arabic has a complex and unusual morphology (i.e. method of constructing words from a basic root). Arabic has a nonconcatenative "root-and-pattern" morphology: A root consists of a set of bare consonants (usually three), which are fitted into a discontinuous pattern to form words. For example, the word for 'I wrote' is constructed by combining the root k-t-b 'write' with the pattern -a-a-tu 'I Xed' to form katabtu 'I wrote'. Other verbs meaning 'I Xed' will typically have the same pattern but with different consonants, e.g. qaraʼtu 'I read', akaltu 'I ate', dhahabtu 'I went', although other patterns are possible (e.g. sharibtu 'I drank', qultu 'I said', takallamtu 'I spoke', where the subpattern used to signal the past tense may change but the suffix -tu is always used).
From a single root k-t-b, numerous words can be formed by applying different patterns:
- كَتَبْتُ katabtu 'I wrote'
- كَتَّبْتُ kattabtu 'I had (something) written'
- كَاتَبْتُ kātabtu 'I corresponded (with someone)'
- أَكْتَبْتُ 'aktabtu 'I dictated'
- اِكْتَتَبْتُ iktatabtu 'I subscribed'
- تَكَاتَبْنَا takātabnā 'we corresponded with each other'
- أَكْتُبُ 'aktubu 'I write'
- أُكَتِّبُ 'ukattibu 'I have (something) written'
- أُكَاتِبُ 'ukātibu 'I correspond (with someone)'
- أُكْتِبُ 'uktibu 'I dictate'
- أَكْتَتِبُ 'aktatibu 'I subscribe'
- نَتَكَتِبُ natakātabu 'we correspond each other'
- كُتِبَ kutiba 'it was written'
- أُكْتِبَ 'uktiba 'it was dictated'
- مَكْتُوبٌ maktūbun 'written'
- مُكْتَبٌ muktabun 'dictated'
- كِتَابٌ kitābun 'book'
- كُتُبٌ kutubun 'books'
- كَاتِبٌ kātibun 'writer'
- كُتَّابٌ kuttābun 'writers'
- مَكْتَبٌ maktabun 'desk, office'
- مَكْتَبَةٌ maktabatun 'library, bookshop'
- etc.
Nouns and adjectives
Nouns in Literary Arabic have three grammatical cases (nominative, accusative, and genitive [also used when the noun is governed by a preposition]); three numbers (singular, dual and plural); two genders (masculine and feminine); and three "states" (indefinite, definite, and construct). The cases of singular nouns (other than those that end in long ā) are indicated by suffixed short vowels (/-u/ for nominative, /-a/ for accusative, /-i/ for genitive).
The feminine singular is often marked by ـَة /-at/, which is pronounced as /-ah/ before a pause. Plural is indicated either through endings (the sound plural) or internal modification (the broken plural). Definite nouns include all proper nouns, all nouns in "construct state" and all nouns which are prefixed by the definite article اَلْـ /al-/. Indefinite singular nouns (other than those that end in long ā) add a final /-n/ to the case-marking vowels, giving /-un/, /-an/ or /-in/ (which is also referred to as nunation or tanwīn).
Adjectives in Literary Arabic are marked for case, number, gender and state, as for nouns. However, the plural of all non-human nouns is always combined with a singular feminine adjective, which takes the ـَة /-at/ suffix.
Pronouns in Literary Arabic are marked for person, number and gender. There are two varieties, independent pronouns and enclitics. Enclitic pronouns are attached to the end of a verb, noun or preposition and indicate verbal and prepositional objects or possession of nouns. The first-person singular pronoun has a different enclitic form used for verbs (ـنِي /-nī/) and for nouns or prepositions (ـِي /-ī/ after consonants, ـيَ /-ya/ after vowels).
Nouns, verbs, pronouns and adjectives agree with each other in all respects. However, non-human plural nouns are grammatically considered to be feminine singular. Furthermore, a verb in a verb-initial sentence is marked as singular regardless of its semantic number when the subject of the verb is explicitly mentioned as a noun. Numerals between three and ten show "chiasmic" agreement, in that grammatically masculine numerals have feminine marking and vice versa.
Verbs
Verbs in Literary Arabic are marked for person (first, second, or third), gender, and number. They are conjugated in two major paradigms (past and non-past); two voices (active and passive); and six moods (indicative, imperative, subjunctive, jussive, shorter energetic and longer energetic), the fifth and sixth moods, the energetics, exist only in Classical Arabic but not in MSA.[101] There are also two participles (active and passive) and a verbal noun, but no infinitive.
The past and non-past paradigms are sometimes also termed perfective and imperfective, indicating the fact that they actually represent a combination of tense and aspect. The moods other than the indicative occur only in the non-past, and the future tense is signaled by prefixing سَـ sa- or سَوْفَ sawfa onto the non-past. The past and non-past differ in the form of the stem (e.g., past كَتَبـkatab- vs. non-past ـكْتُبـ -ktub-), and also use completely different sets of affixes for indicating person, number and gender: In the past, the person, number and gender are fused into a single suffixal morpheme, while in the non-past, a combination of prefixes (primarily encoding person) and suffixes (primarily encoding gender and number) are used. The passive voice uses the same person/number/gender affixes but changes the vowels of the stem.
The following shows a paradigm of a regular Arabic verb, كَتَبَ kataba 'to write'. In Modern Standard, the energetic mood (in either long or short form, which have the same meaning) is almost never used.
Derivation
Like other Semitic languages, and unlike most other languages, Arabic makes much more use of nonconcatenative morphology (applying many templates applied roots) to derive words than adding prefixes or suffixes to words.
For verbs, a given root can occur in many different derived verb stems (of which there are about fifteen), each with one or more characteristic meanings and each with its own templates for the past and non-past stems, active and passive participles, and verbal noun. These are referred to by Western scholars as "Form I", "Form II", and so on through "Form XV" (although Forms XI to XV are rare). These stems encode grammatical functions such as the causative, intensive and reflexive. Stems sharing the same root consonants represent separate verbs, albeit often semantically related, and each is the basis for its own conjugational paradigm. As a result, these derived stems are part of the system of derivational morphology, not part of the inflectional system.
Examples of the different verbs formed from the root كتب k-t-b 'write' (using حمر ḥ-m-r 'red' for Form IX, which is limited to colors and physical defects):
| Form | Past | Meaning | Non-past | Meaning |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| I | kataba | 'he wrote' | yaktubu | 'he writes' |
| II | kattaba | 'he made (someone) write' | yukattibu | "he makes (someone) write" |
| III | kātaba | 'he corresponded with, wrote to (someone)' | yukātibu | 'he corresponds with, writes to (someone)' |
| IV | ʾaktaba | 'he dictated' | yuktibu | 'he dictates' |
| V | takattaba | 'nonexistent' | yatakattabu | 'nonexistent' |
| VI | takātaba | 'he corresponded (with someone, esp. mutually)' | yatakātabu | 'he corresponds (with someone, esp. mutually)' |
| VII | inkataba | 'he subscribed' | yankatibu | 'he subscribes' |
| VIII | iktataba | 'he copied' | yaktatibu | 'he copies' |
| IX | iḥmarra | 'he turned red' | yaḥmarru | 'he turns red' |
| X | istaktaba | 'he asked (someone) to write' | yastaktibu | 'he asks (someone) to write' |
Form II is sometimes used to create transitive denominative verbs (verbs built from nouns); Form V is the equivalent used for intransitive denominatives.
The associated participles and verbal nouns of a verb are the primary means of forming new lexical nouns in Arabic. This is similar to the process by which, for example, the English gerund "meeting" (similar to a verbal noun) has turned into a noun referring to a particular type of social, often work-related event where people gather together to have a "discussion" (another lexicalized verbal noun). Another fairly common means of forming nouns is through one of a limited number of patterns that can be applied directly to roots, such as the "nouns of location" in ma- (e.g. maktab 'desk, office' < k-t-b 'write', maṭbakh 'kitchen' < ṭ-b-kh 'cook').
The only three genuine suffixes are as follows:
- The feminine suffix -ah; variously derives terms for women from related terms for men, or more generally terms along the same lines as the corresponding masculine, e.g. maktabah 'library' (also a writing-related place, but different from maktab, as above).
- The nisbah suffix -iyy-. This suffix is extremely productive, and forms adjectives meaning "related to X". It corresponds to English adjectives in -ic, -al, -an, -y, -ist, etc.
- The feminine nisbah suffix -iyyah. This is formed by adding the feminine suffix -ah onto nisba adjectives to form abstract nouns. For example, from the basic root sh-r-k 'share' can be derived the Form VIII verb ishtaraka 'to cooperate, participate', and in turn its verbal noun ishtirāk 'cooperation, participation' can be formed. This in turn can be made into a nisbah adjective ishtirākī 'socialist', from which an abstract noun ishtirākiyyah 'socialism' can be derived. Other recent formations are jumhūriyyah 'republic' (lit. "public-ness", < jumhūr 'multitude, general public'), and the Gaddafi-specific variation jamāhīriyyah 'people's republic' (lit. "masses-ness", < jamāhīr 'the masses', pl. of jumhūr, as above).
Colloquial varieties
The spoken dialects have lost the case distinctions and make only limited use of the dual (it occurs only on nouns and its use is no longer required in all circumstances). They have lost the mood distinctions other than imperative, but many have since gained new moods through the use of prefixes (most often /bi-/ for indicative vs. unmarked subjunctive). They have also mostly lost the indefinite "nunation" and the internal passive.
The following is an example of a regular verb paradigm in Egyptian Arabic.
| Tense/Mood | Past | Present Subjunctive | Present Indicative | Future | Imperative | |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Singular | ||||||
| 1st | katáb-t | á-ktib | bá-ktib | ḥá-ktib | " | |
| 2nd | masculine | katáb-t | tí-ktib | bi-tí-ktib | ḥa-tí-ktib | í-ktib |
| feminine | katáb-ti | ti-ktíb-i | bi-ti-ktíb-i | ḥa-ti-ktíb-i | i-ktíb-i | |
| 3rd | masculine | kátab | yí-ktib | bi-yí-ktib | ḥa-yí-ktib | " |
| feminine | kátab-it | tí-ktib | bi-tí-ktib | ḥa-tí-ktib | ||
| Plural | ||||||
| 1st | katáb-na | ní-ktib | bi-ní-ktib | ḥá-ní-ktib | " | |
| 2nd | katáb-tu | ti-ktíb-u | bi-ti-ktíb-u | ḥa-ti-ktíb-u | i-ktíb-u | |
| 3rd | kátab-u | yi-ktíb-u | bi-yi-ktíb-u | ḥa-yi-ktíb-u | " | |
Writing system
The Arabic alphabet derives from the Aramaic through Nabatean, to which it bears a loose resemblance like that of Coptic or Cyrillic scripts to Greek script. Traditionally, there were several differences between the Western (North African) and Middle Eastern versions of the alphabet—in particular, the faʼ had a dot underneath and qaf a single dot above in the Maghreb, and the order of the letters was slightly different (at least when they were used as numerals).
However, the old Maghrebi variant has been abandoned except for calligraphic purposes in the Maghreb itself, and remains in use mainly in the Quranic schools (zaouias) of West Africa. Arabic, like all other Semitic languages (except for the Latin-written Maltese, and the languages with the Ge'ez script), is written from right to left. There are several styles of scripts such as thuluth, muhaqqaq, tawqi, rayhan and notably naskh, which is used in print and by computers, and ruqʻah, which is commonly used for correspondence.[102][103]
Originally Arabic was made up of only rasm without diacritical marks[104] Later diacritical points (which in Arabic are referred to as nuqaṯ) were added (which allowed readers to distinguish between letters such as b, t, th, n and y). Finally signs known as Tashkil were used for short vowels known as harakat and other uses such as final postnasalized or long vowels.
Calligraphy
After Khalil ibn Ahmad al Farahidi finally fixed the Arabic script around 786, many styles were developed, both for the writing down of the Quran and other books, and for inscriptions on monuments as decoration.
Arabic calligraphy has not fallen out of use as calligraphy has in the Western world, and is still considered by Arabs as a major art form; calligraphers are held in great esteem. Being cursive by nature, unlike the Latin script, Arabic script is used to write down a verse of the Quran, a hadith, or simply a proverb. The composition is often abstract, but sometimes the writing is shaped into an actual form such as that of an animal. One of the current masters of the genre is Hassan Massoudy.
In modern times the intrinsically calligraphic nature of the written Arabic form is haunted by the thought that a typographic approach to the language, necessary for digitized unification, will not always accurately maintain meanings conveyed through calligraphy.[105]
Romanization
| Letter | IPA | UNGEGN | ALA-LC | Wehr | DIN | ISO | SAS | - 2 | BATR | ArabTeX | chat |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| ء | ʔ | ʼ | ʾ | ˈ, ˌ | ʾ | ' | e | ' | 2 | ||
| ا | aː | ā | ʾ | ā | aa | aa / A | a | a/e/é | |||
| ي | j, iː | y | y; ī | y; e | y; ii | y | y; i/ee; ei/ai | ||||
| ث | θ | th | ṯ | ç | ṯ | c | _t | s/th | |||
| ج | d͡ʒ~ɡ~ʒ | j | ǧ | ŷ | j | j | ^g | j/g/dj | |||
| ح | ħ | ḩ | ḥ | H | .h | 7 | |||||
| خ | x | kh | ḵ | ḫ | ẖ | j | x | K | _h | kh/7'/5 | |
| ذ | ð | dh | ḏ | đ | z' | _d | z/dh/th | ||||
| ش | ʃ | sh | š | x | ^s | sh/ch | |||||
| ص | sˤ | ş | ṣ | S | .s | s/9 | |||||
| ض | dˤ | ḑ | ḍ | D | .d | d/9' | |||||
| ط | tˤ | ţ | ṭ | T | .tu | t/6 | |||||
| ظ | ðˤ~zˤ | z̧ | ẓ | đ̣ | Z | .z | z/dh/6' | ||||
| ع | ʕ | ʻ | ʿ | ř | E | ' | 3 | ||||
| غ | ɣ | gh | ḡ | ġ | g | j | g | .g | gh/3'/8 | ||
There are a number of different standards for the romanization of Arabic, i.e. methods of accurately and efficiently representing Arabic with the Latin script. There are various conflicting motivations involved, which leads to multiple systems. Some are interested in transliteration, i.e. representing the spelling of Arabic, while others focus on transcription, i.e. representing the pronunciation of Arabic. (They differ in that, for example, the same letter ي is used to represent both a consonant, as in "you" or "yet", and a vowel, as in "me" or "eat".) Some systems, e.g. for scholarly use, are intended to accurately and unambiguously represent the phonemes of Arabic, generally making the phonetics more explicit than the original word in the Arabic script. These systems are heavily reliant on diacritical marks such as "š" for the sound equivalently written sh in English. Other systems (e.g. the Bahá'í orthography) are intended to help readers who are neither Arabic speakers nor linguists with intuitive pronunciation of Arabic names and phrases.[citation needed] These less "scientific" systems tend to avoid diacritics and use digraphs (like sh and kh). These are usually simpler to read, but sacrifice the definiteness of the scientific systems, and may lead to ambiguities, e.g. whether to interpret sh as a single sound, as in gash, or a combination of two sounds, as in gashouse. The ALA-LC romanization solves this problem by separating the two sounds with a prime symbol ( ′ ); e.g., as′hal 'easier'.
During the last few decades and especially since the 1990s, Western-invented text communication technologies have become prevalent in the Arab world, such as personal computers, the World Wide Web, email, bulletin board systems, IRC, instant messaging and mobile phone text messaging. Most of these technologies originally had the ability to communicate using the Latin script only, and some of them still do not have the Arabic script as an optional feature. As a result, Arabic speaking users communicated in these technologies by transliterating the Arabic text using the Latin script, sometimes known as IM Arabic.
To handle those Arabic letters that cannot be accurately represented using the Latin script, numerals and other characters were appropriated. For example, the numeral "3" may be used to represent the Arabic letter ⟨ع⟩. There is no universal name for this type of transliteration, but some have named it Arabic Chat Alphabet. Other systems of transliteration exist, such as using dots or capitalization to represent the "emphatic" counterparts of certain consonants. For instance, using capitalization, the letter ⟨د⟩, may be represented by d. Its emphatic counterpart, ⟨ض⟩, may be written as D.
Numerals
In most of present-day North Africa, the Western Arabic numerals (0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9) are used. However, in Egypt and Arabic-speaking countries to the east of it, the Eastern Arabic numerals (٠ – ١ – ٢ – ٣ – ٤ – ٥ – ٦ – ٧ – ٨ – ٩) are in use. When representing a number in Arabic, the lowest-valued position is placed on the right, so the order of positions is the same as in left-to-right scripts. Sequences of digits such as telephone numbers are read from left to right, but numbers are spoken in the traditional Arabic fashion, with units and tens reversed from the modern English usage. For example, 24 is said "four and twenty" just like in the German language (vierundzwanzig) and Classical Hebrew, and 1975 is said "a thousand and nine-hundred and five and seventy" or, more eloquently, "a thousand and nine-hundred five seventy"
Language-standards regulators
Academy of the Arabic Language is the name of a number of language-regulation bodies formed in the Arab League. The most active are in Damascus and Cairo. They review language development, monitor new words and approve inclusion of new words into their published standard dictionaries. They also publish old and historical Arabic manuscripts.
As a foreign language
Arabic has been taught worldwide in many elementary and secondary schools, especially Muslim schools. Universities around the world have classes that teach Arabic as part of their foreign languages, Middle Eastern studies, and religious studies courses. Arabic language schools exist to assist students to learn Arabic outside the academic world. There are many Arabic language schools in the Arab world and other Muslim countries. Because the Quran is written in Arabic and all Islamic terms are in Arabic, millions[106] of Muslims (both Arab and non-Arab) study the language. Software and books with tapes are also important part of Arabic learning, as many of Arabic learners may live in places where there are no academic or Arabic language school classes available. Radio series of Arabic language classes are also provided from some radio stations.[107] A number of websites on the Internet provide online classes for all levels as a means of distance education; most teach Modern Standard Arabic, but some teach regional varieties from numerous countries.[108]
Status in the Arab world vs. other languages
With the sole example of Medieval linguist Abu Hayyan al-Gharnati – who, while a scholar of the Arabic language, was not ethnically Arab – Medieval scholars of the Arabic language made no efforts at studying comparative linguistics, considering all other languages inferior.[109]
In modern times, the educated upper classes in the Arab world have taken a nearly opposite view. Yasir Suleiman wrote in 2011 that "studying and knowing English or French in most of the Middle East and North Africa have become a badge of sophistication and modernity and ... feigning, or asserting, weakness or lack of facility in Arabic is sometimes paraded as a sign of status, class, and perversely, even education through a mélange of code-switching practises."[110]
See also
- Arabic Ontology
- Arabic diglossia
- Arabic influence on the Spanish language
- Arabic literature
- Arabic–English Lexicon
- Arabist
- Dictionary of Modern Written Arabic
- Glossary of Islam
- International Association of Arabic Dialectology
- List of Arab newspapers
- List of Arabic-language television channels
- List of Arabic given names
- List of arabophones
- List of countries where Arabic is an official language
- List of French words of Arabic origin
- List of replaced loanwords in Turkish
References
Citations
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In fact, Maltese displays some areal traits typical of Maghrebine Arabic, although over the past 800 years of independent evolution it has drifted apart from Tunisian Arabic
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Originally Maltese was an Arabic dialect but it was immediately exposed to Latinisation because the Normans conquered the islands in 1090, while Christianisation, which was complete by 1250, cut off the dialect from contact with Classical Arabic. Consequently Maltese developed on its own, slowly but steadily absorbing new words from Sicilian and Italian according to the needs of the developing community.
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Maltese is the chief exception: Classical or Standard Arabic is irrelevant in the Maltese linguistic community and there is no diglossia.
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yet it is in its morphology that Maltese also shows the most elaborate and deeply embedded influence from the Romance languages, Sicilian and Italian, with which it has long been in intimate contact….As a result Maltese is unique and different from Arabic and other Semitic languages.
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Speakers of Tunisian and Libyan Arabic are able to understand about 40% of what is said to them in Maltese.
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In comparison, speakers of Libyan Arabic and speakers of Tunisian Arabic understand about two-thirds of what is being said to them.
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- Transliteration Arabic language pronunciation applet
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- Alexis Neme and Eric Laporte (2015), Do computer scientists deeply understand Arabic morphology? – هل يفهم المهندسون الحاسوبيّون علم الصرف فهماً عميقاً؟, available also in Arabic, Indonesian, French
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- Arabic Student's Dictionary
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